Etymological Dictionary of Greek

Edited by: Robert Beekes (with the assistance of Lucien van Beek)

Greek is among the most intensely and widely studied languages known. Since the publication of the last etymological dictionary of Greek, both the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European, and our knowledge of the Greek substrate have led to numerous, often surprising new insights into the history and formation of the Greek vocabulary. This dictionary is a treasure trove covering 2000 years of Ancient Greek: from Mycenaean via Homer and the classical period to lexicographers, such as Hesychius (5th century A.D.) It consists of 7500 entries with thoroughly revised etymologies. Each entry gives clear information about the origin of the Greek word and its first date of attestation. It further provides all etymologically relevant variants, dialectal forms, derivatives, compounds, and bibliographical references. This dictionary is a truly indispensable tool for those in search of a deeper knowledge of the Greek vocabulary, its history and, therewith, a better understanding of the language.

See for more information on print edition.

Purchase Access
Pre-Greek Loanwords
Robert S. P. Beekes (Ph.D. 1969) is Professor emeritus of Comparative Indo- European Linguistics at Leiden University. He has published extensively on the historical grammar of Greek, Iranian and Indo-European, including The Development of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Greek (Mouton, 1969), The Origins of the Indo-European Nominal Inflection (IBS, 1985), A Grammar of Gatha-Avestan (Brill, 1988), and Comparative Indo-European Linguistics: An Introduction (Benjamins, 1995).

Etymological Dictionary of Greek




A. Introduction

B. Phonology

 1. The phonemic system of Pre‑Greek

 2a. Characteristic sounds or sound groups: 1. αυ;  2. β;  3. βδ;  4. γδ;  5. γν;  6. δν;  7. κτ;  8. κχ;  9 μν;  10. ου;  11. πφ;  12. ρδ;  13. ρκν;  14. ρν (ρδ, νδ);  15. σ;  16. σβ;  17. σγ;  18. σκ, στ;  19. στλ;  20. τθ;  21. φθ;  22. χμ, χν;  23. ψ-;  24. ω;  25. geminates

 2b. How to recognize words as Pre-Greek?

 3. Prothetic vowel

 4. s-mobile

 5. Consonant variation

5.1. Voiceless / voiced / aspirated stop;  5.2. Prenasalization;  5.3. Nasalization;  5.4. Labial stops / m / (a. π, β, φ / μ;  b. π, β, φ / (ϝ);  c. μ / (ϝ));  5.5. Stops interchanging with σ(σ), with stop + σ/τ or with σ + stop;  5.6. Velar / labial / dental stops: labio-velars; 5.7. Dentals / liquids;  5.8. Simple / geminate;  5.9. σ‑ / zero;  5.10. K‑, T‑ / zero;  5.11. ν‑, λ‑ / zero;  5.12. Metathesis, shift of aspiration;  5.13. Secondary phonetic developments;  5.14. Other variation.

 6. Vowel variation

6.1. Single vowels, timbre;  6.2. Long / short;  6.3. Single / diphthong;  6.4. Rising diphthongs? 6.5. Secondary vowels (or syncope).

C. Morphology

 1. Reduplication

 2. Suffixes

     2.1. Introduction; 2.2. Survey of the suffixes; 2.3. The material: ‑αβ‑(ο‑), ‑αγ‑, ‑αγγ‑ο‑, ‑αδ‑, ‑αθ‑ο‑, ‑αι-/ε(ι)‑, ‑αι(ϝ)‑ο‑, ‑αιβ‑ο‑, ‑αιθ‑, ‑αιν‑, ‑αιρ‑(ο‑), ‑ακ‑, ‑αλ(λ)‑ο‑, ‑αμβ‑ο‑, ‑αμν‑ο‑, ‑αμ‑ο‑, ‑αν‑ο‑, ‑ᾱν‑, ‑ανδ‑, -ανδρ(‑ο)‑, ‑ανθ/τ‑, ‑ανν(‑ο)‑, ‑αξ‑, ‑απ‑ο‑, ‑αρ, ‑αρ‑, ‑ασ‑α/ο‑, ‑ασσ-ο‑, ‑ατ‑, ‑αυρ‑α/ο‑, ‑αχ‑, ‑αψ‑, ‑γδ‑, ‑γρ‑, ‑εδ‑, ‑εζ‑α, -ειρ‑ο‑, ‑ελ‑α/ο‑, ‑ελλ‑α/ο‑, ‑εμ‑ο‑, ‑εμν‑(ο‑), ‑ενν‑α, ‑ερ‑α/ο‑, ‑ετ‑ο‑, ‑ευρ‑, ‑ευτ‑, ‑ηβ‑α/ο‑, ‑ηθ-(ο‑), ‑ηκ/χ‑, ‑ηλ‑ο‑, ‑ην, ‑ην‑, ‑ηρ, ‑ηρ‑, ‑ησ(σ)-α/ο‑, ‑ητ‑(ο‑), ‑ηττ‑, ‑ηψ-ο‑, ‑θ‑ο‑, ‑θρ‑α/ο‑, ‑ῑβ‑, ‑ιγγ/κ/χ‑, ‑ῑδ‑, ‑ιδνα, ‑ιθ‑, ‑ῑθ‑, ‑ικ‑, ‑ῑκ‑, ‑ιλ‑, ‑ῑλ‑, ‑ιλλ‑α/ο‑, ‑ιμν‑α/ο‑, ‑ιν‑α/ο‑, ‑ῑν‑(ο‑), ‑ινδ‑, ‑ινθ‑(ο‑), -ιξ‑, ‑ῑπ‑ο‑, ‑ισ‑α/ο‑, ‑ισκ-ο‑, ‑ιτ‑α/ο‑, ‑ιχ‑, ‑κν‑, ‑μ-ο‑, ‑ν‑, ‑ξ‑, ‑οπ‑, ‑ορ‑, ‑οσσ-α, ‑οττ-α, ‑ουλ-ο‑, ‑ουρ‑, ‑ουσ(σ)‑α, ‑πν‑, ‑πτ‑, ‑ρ‑, ‑ργ‑, ‑ρδ‑, ‑ρν‑, ‑σκ‑, ‑σ‑ο, ‑σσ‑, ‑στ‑, ‑στρον, ‑τ‑ο‑, ‑ττ‑, ‑υβ‑, ‑υγγ‑, ‑υδ‑, ‑υδνα, ‑υθ‑, ‑υι‑α, ‑υκ‑, ‑ῡκ‑, ‑υλ‑, ‑υμ‑, ‑υμβ‑, ‑υμν‑, ‑ῡν‑, ‑υνδ‑, ‑υνθ/τ‑, ‑υνν‑, ‑υξ‑, ‑υπ‑, ‑υρ‑, ‑ῡρ‑, ‑υσ‑, ‑υτ‑, ‑υχ‑, ‑φθ‑, ‑φ‑ο‑, ‑ωκ‑, ‑ωλ‑, ‑ωμ‑, ‑ων‑, ‑ωπ‑, ‑ωρ‑, ‑ωσσ‑, ‑ωτ‑.  

  3. Word end

     3.1. in vowel (a. ‑α;  b. ‑ι, ‑ις;  c. ‑υ, ‑υς;  d. ‑ευς;  e. ‑ω, ‑ως);  3.2. in ‑ρ (a. ‑αρ;  b. ‑ιρ;  c. ‑ορ;  d. ‑ωρ); 3.3. in ‑ξ, ‑ψ (a. ‑ξ;  b. ‑ψ);  3.4. in ‑ν;  3.5. in ‑ᾱς.

D. The unity of Pre-Greek

E. Pre-Greek is non-Indo-European


A. Introduction

The substrate language of Greek will be called ‘Pre-Greek’ in this dictionary; this is a translation of the German term ‘das Vorgriechische’. No written texts exist in this language, but it is known from a considerable number of loanwords in Greek.

     The study of Pre-Greek has had an unfortunate history. In the past century, it was called ‘Pelasgian’ and considered a dialect of Indo-European. This idea fascinated scholars, and research concentrated on this proposal. But the whole idea was clearly wrong, and by now, it is generally agreed that the substrate was non-Indo-European. Therefore, the term ‘Pelasgian’ can no longer be used. Frisk already had strong doubts about the Pelasgian theory, but nevertheless, he often mentioned the proposals of its adherents. Since all work following this line has turned out to be useless, I decided to make no mention of the theory anymore in the dictionary.

     When Frisk completed his dictionary in 1972, Furnée’s book ‘Die wichtigsten konsonantischen Erscheinungen des Vorgriechischen’, which was his dissertation written under the supervision of F.B.J. Kuiper, had just appeared. It was an elaboration of Kuiper’s 1956 study on Greek substrate words, which opened a new chapter in the research of the field. Furnée rejected the Pelasgian theory, too (see especially op. cit. pp. 40-55).

     Furnée’s book met with fierce criticism and was largely neglected. In my view, this was a major mistake in Greek scholarship. True, some of his identifications are improbable, and his repeated claim that certain forms were expressive leads nowhere. What remains, however, is that he studied a great number of relevant forms and drew obvious conclusions from them. Pre‑Greek words often show a type 0f variation which is not found in inherited words. It is self-evident that this variation must be studied, and this is what Furnée did. It has turned out (as Kuiper had already shown) that this variation shows certain recurrent patterns and can be used to recognize Pre-Greek elements.

     Furnée’s book is not easy to use: every form is discussed at three or four places, each time in a different context, so that it may be difficult to find out what his point  really is. On the other hand, his treatment is very careful, and there hardly any obvious mistakes. I found a number of cases which he had not recognized (e.g. πτωχός), but this does not change the fact that his book was the best collection at the time. Furnée worked on it for twenty years, and even now it is the only hand-book on the subject. The short overview which follows below is based on Furnée’s material and on my own research of more than thirty years.[1]

     Furnée went astray in two respects. First, he considered almost all variation to be of an expressive character, which is certainly wrong: it is evident that the variation found is due to the adaptation of words (or phonemes) of a foreign language to Greek. We shall see below that many variants can be understood in this way. Secondly, Furnée was sometimes overzealous in his search for inner-Greek correspondences. Many of Furnée’s discoveries are brilliant (see s.v. δορύκνιον for an example), but sometimes he went too far: not every alternation necessarily points to Pre-Greek origin. The author can hardly be blamed for his enthusiasm. He was exploring new ground, and it can only be expected that he sometimes overplayed his hand.

     Several scholars were baffled by Furnée’s proposals and hence rejected the whole book altogether. His method, however, was correct and I have only filtered out the improbable suggestions. In many cases, of course, we cannot be absolutely certain, but this cannot be an objection. Except for a very small number of cases, Furnée’s material does consist of Pre‑Greek words. His index contains 4400 words, and taking into account that many of these words concern derivatives and variants, as well as a few Indo‑European words, I estimate that Furnée’s book discusses some 1000 Pre‑Greek etyma.[2]

     In general, I have given only a few personal names and toponyms, and no material of this kind from outside Greece and Asia Minor. The comparison with Basque or Caucasian languages has not been considered in this dictionary, as this is not my competence; it is likely that there are such connections, but this must be left to other scholars.

     My suggested reconstructions are not essential. One may ignore them and just consider the variation itself. These variants are often explained as incidental phenomena (assimilation, influence of other words, etc.), and such explanations may be sometimes correct, but if we know that some variants frequently occur, we will have to consider Pre‑Greek origin. Existing etymological dictionaries often seem to avoid the conclusion that a word is a substrate element. It is remarkable that Chantraine was quite aware of the problem in his Formation, but in his dictionary he often withdrew his earlier evaluation (which in my view was correct). It looks as if substrate elements were not welcome there.

     The relationship with Anatolian languages is a separate problem. A Greek word is often called a loan from an Anatolian language, while it may just as well be borrowed from the Pre-Greek substrate. It is generally accepted, on the basis of toponyms, that there was a language which was once spoken both in Greece and in western Asia Minor.[3] In most cases, however, it is impossible to distinguish between substrate words and loans from Asia Minor (the latter are from a later date). A word may have been adopted through commerce, as often happens between two neighboring countries, or starting from the time when Greeks settled in Asia Minor, probably as early as the 15th century. From a methodological point of view, I think it is better to consider such words as Pre‑Greek, and to define them as loanwords from an Anatolian language only when there is reason to do so. Still, it is clear that we may often make mistakes here. A case in point is τολύπη ‘clew, ball of wool ready for spinning’. The word is clearly related to Luwian and Hitt. taluppa/i‑ ‘lump, clod’. The Greek word is typical of Pre‑Greek words: the structure CaC‑up‑ (with a appearing as o before u) and the absence of an Indo-European etymology (Melchert Orpheus 8 (1998): 47‑51 is not convincing) imply that the word is Pre‑Greek or Pre-Anatolian. On the other hand, ‘clew’ is not a word that is easily brought from overseas; it is an everyday word that the speakers of Greek and Anatolian must have picked up not far from home. I completely agree with Furnée’s interpretation (3533) that the word was brought to Greece by settlers from Anatolia who spoke the language, which, from another perspective, we call Pre‑Greek. In other words, τολύπη is a loan from an Anatolian language, but this (probably non-Indo-European) language was also spoken in large parts of Greece before the Greeks (speaking an Indo‑European language) arrived there.

     It is essential to realize that substrate words are a frequent phenomenon. One may regret this (for instance, from the Indo-Europeanist point of view), but this is irrelevant; the existence of Pre-Greek words is simply a fact that has to be accepted. To me, it is fascinating that in this way we can learn something about the oldest language of Europe (including Anatolia), of which we otherwise have no evidence.

     The ‘Pelasgian’ theory has done much harm, and it is time to forget it. The latest attempt was Heubeck’s ‘Minoisch-Mykenisch’ (discussed by Furnée 55-66), where the material was reduced to some ten words; the theory has by now been tacitly abandoned.

B. Phonology

1. The phonemic system of Pre‑Greek

Voiceless, voiced and aspirated stops may interchange in Pre-Greek words, without any apparent conditioning factors. This fact shows that voice and aspiration were not distinctive features in Pre‑Greek.[4] On the other hand, the Linear B signs (graphemes) for rjo, rja and tja show that palatalization probably was distinctive. This is confirmed by the sign pte (e.g. in ra-pte-re /hrapteres/ with the agent suffix ‑ter‑), which must go back to an earlier pye. In the Pre-Greek material, such a phoneme may underlie examples like θάπτα. One may wonder whether κροσσόφθον points to py > pt, which was realized with aspiration. Further, the signs two, twe, dwo, dwe, nwa, swa, swi, point to labialization as a distinctive feature, i.e. two, twe, dwo, dwe, nwa, swa, swi. Note that palatal and labial forms of graphemes are found both with resonants and stops, which is a phenomenon alien to Indo-European languages. The existence of labiovelars is confirmed by qa-si-re-u = βασιλεύς, etc. (see further Beekes Glotta 73 (1995/6): 12f.). We may thus posit the following system[5]:


                p             py            pw

                t              ty             tw

                k             ky            kw

                s              sy            sw

                r              ry             rw

                l              ly             lw

                m            my           mw

                n             ny            nw


Of course, it is possible that one or more of the posited phonemes did not occur in Pre-Greek (e.g., my is a rare sound in the languages of the world).

     We can now use this insight in explaining the surfacing Greek forms. Thus, δάφνη / δαυχν(α)‑ can now be explained from a Pre-Greek form *dakwn‑.[6] In the former form, the labiovelar yields a labial stop φ. In the latter, it is rendered by ‑υχ‑, with anticipation of the labial feature, while the labiovelar turns up as a velar, possib-ly by dissimilation from ukw. Again, note that aspiration is not phonemic in Pre-Greek. It is very important to note that we cannot predict how a Pre-Greek form will surface in Greek: sometimes a stop turns up as an aspirate, sometimes as a voiced stop (e.g. αἰπύς / ἄφαρ, see B 5.1. below). As a consequence, it may happen that there is a large number of variants, but it may also be that there are no variants at all.

     As a second example, we may also understand αὐχήν / Lesb. ἄμφην from a pre-form *ankwēn. The latter form is directly understandable, with φ from the labiovelar. The first form went through *anwkēn or *awnkēn, giving αὐχήν with loss of the nasal (a development known from Armenian). Perhaps, a scenario *akwēn > αὐχήν is also possible, with a prenasalized form *ankwēn (> ἄμφην) beside *akwēn.[7] Such interpretations may be wrong in individual cases, but this is no reason not to try. On the other hand, variation that is strange from an exclusively Indo-European point of view becomes understandable in this way, starting as we do from a limited set of assumptions.

     The existence of palatalized phonemes in Pre-Greek may explain a number of other developments. Thus, I assume that a geminate λλ may continue Pre-Greek *ly. We know that IE *ly gave λλ in Greek, but if a variant with single λ coexists, we are warned. For example, the name Ἀχιλλεύς has a variant Ἀχιλεύς with one λ. And although the latter only occurs in Homer, this fact points to Pre-Greek origin. The variant was preserved because it was metrically convenient, it was not created for metrical purposes. Of course, the fact that there was more variation at an earlier date is what we expect. As far as the other palatalized resonants are concerned, any may have given αιν, ary may have given αιρ (or also ειρ with coloring of the vowel, see section C2 below on the suffixes), etc. We have ‑αιρ‑, ‑αιν‑ but no *‑αιλ‑ in Pre-Greek words. This is confirmed by the fact that geminate λλ is very frequent (Fur. 387), whereas geminate ρρ, νν and μμ are much less frequent, or even rare.

     In a similar fashion, *asy may have yielded either ‑αισ- or ‑ασ‑, cf. κάβαισος, which has a v.l. κάβασος. In rendering such a foreign word, the palatalization may have been represented at one time, and may have been neglected at another. This phenomenon was the main cause of variation in Pre-Greek forms. The interpretation is further confirmed by the parallel development of labialized consonants. Thus, I suppose that arw resulted in ‑α(υ)ρ- (see the section on the suffixes). In this way, we may understand καλαῦροψ beside κολόροβον from a pre-form kalarw‑op‑. Another form which shows the remarkable interchange α/αυ is ἀρασχάδες / αὐροσχάς. Here one might assume a pre-form *arwask‑at‑. Note that the labial element would at the same time explain the o as a variant of a in both cases. A similar mechanism must be at the basis of the etymon ἄλοξ, αὖλαξ, ὦλαξ, εὐλάκᾱ, which is hopeless from an Indo-European point of view. I assume that all forms go back on Pre-Greek *alw‑ak‑. It gives αὐλακ‑ through anticipation, ἄλοκ‑ through coloring. In this way, the first two forms, which are best attested, are directly clear. Further, αυ/ευ/ω interchange frequently, which explains ὦλαξ and εὐλάκα; ὀλοκ‑ is not problematic either, as both /a/’s were colored to [o] by the labialized resonant. Only the Homeric accusative ὦλκα is hopeless: it is the only form that has no vowel between λ and κ, and therefore may be due to some accident of the tradition. This is a problem that has not been solved yet.

     I do not know whether a diphthong is allowed in suffixes of the structure VC, cf. the forms in ‑αιϝος. Structurally, one could think of ‑ayw‑, or even ‑awy‑, but such sounds are rather rare in the languages of the world. An instance of ‑αι‑ due to a palatalized consonant is ἐξαίφνης / ἐξαπίνης / ἄφνω (a brilliant combination by Fur. 158, etc.), which must contain ‑apy (the palatalization was ignored in the last form). Comparable to the development in ἐξαπίνης is κνώψ / κινώπετον, from kyn‑ with ι representing palatalization, cf. Beekes 2008. Likewise, I assume that πινυτός beside πνυτός points to *pynut‑. Perhaps, we must interpret σιωπάω as *syōp- because of εὐσωπία. An interesting case is λίμινθες· ἕλμινθες, for which I assume *lym- beside *alym- with prothetic a (see B3 below on the prothetic vowel).

     A palatalized consonant could color a to e. A good example is κύπαρος, κύπαιρος, but also κύπερος, κύπειρος, where we have all possible variants due to the palatalized consonant. Compare further Κάβαρνοι next to Κάβειροι. Likewise, we have ζακελτίς next to ζεκελτίς ‘κολόκυνται’, where the interchange occurs after ζ from earlier palatalized ty. διφθέρα beside διψάρα may have had ‑pty-; ἔλ(λ)οψ next to ἀλ(λ)άβης goes back to *alyap‑, with the common variation a / o before a labial. A clear example is λασιτός with, next to it, λεσιτός and λάσται, λάσταυρος. It may be interpreted as representing PG *lasyt‑.

     Kuiper Lingua 21 (1968): 269-277 pointed out that the substrate language had labiovelars. He especially pointed to θαλυκρός next to ἐθάλυψα, θάλπω. I added a few remarks in Beekes Glotta 73 (1995/6): 12f. From Mycenaean, we have a-to-ro-qo (ἄνθρωπος) and qe-to (πίθος), Mo-qo-so (Μόψος), qi-si-pe-e (the dual of ξίφος). Further there is A-i-ti-jo-qo (gen. Αἰθίοπος), ὀφθαλμός with the variants ὄκταλλος and ὀπτίλ(λ)ος, which cannot be explained from Indo-European. Instead of ξίφος, we would perhaps expect **ψίφος. So the developments are largely as those of Greek, but not completely.

     Pre-Greek probably had a /y/ and a /w/. Initial ya‑ presumably often lost its y‑, but it may sometimes be represented by ἰα‑ as in ἴαμβος, Ἰᾱ́σων. The ending ‑υια may have been ‑uy‑a (a Pre‑Greek y may have had a different development from y in inherited words). In the same way, ‑αια may derive from PG *‑ay‑a with a variant ‑εια, cf. Πηνελόπεια. Perhaps, the y disappeared in some cases, giving γαῖα beside γᾶ (see below on the suffix ‑αι- / ‑ε(ι)‑).

     Initial w- was often lost (ἄναξ), but wa‑ may also have been rendered by οα‑, as in  Ὀαξός beside Cret. ϝαξός. The same holds for Ὀῑλεύς, which has been considered to be identical with the root of  Ἶλος). We find υα‑ (which became ὑα‑) in ὑάκινθος, Cret. ϝάκινθος. Fur. 377 assumes a prothetic υ‑ in the latter word, but this seems improbable to me. Another example may be ὕα/ελος. The differences are probably due to the date at which the word was borrowed and depend on whether the Greek dialect concerned still had a ϝ at that time. Another treatment can be found in the word for ‘truffle’, for which we find οὔιτον, οἶδνον (also ‑τν‑), ὕδνον (also ‑τν‑), or ἴτον. These are probably all renderings of *wit‑. (Fur. 184 again assumes a prothetic vowel, ϝιτ‑ / ὀϝιτ‑, which does not seem to be the right solution. He further assumes a variation *wit‑ / wut‑, which also seems improbable to me, though the variation ι / υ is attested.) Rather, υ‑ is a form of οι‑, with the ‑o‑ changed under influence of the ‑ι‑ (cf. Lejeune 1972: 174, and note that Greek did not allow ‑υι‑ before consonants; of course, οι became υ in Boeotian in the 3rd c. BC; variation οι / υ is found in more Pre‑Greek words). This case nicely shows that variation in Pre‑Greek words is due to different rendering of the sounds of a foreign language, and therefore has to be taken seriously. βράκαλον· ῥόπαλον (H.) probably attests a development *wrak- > βρακ- (as Fur. 147 remarks on καλαῦροψ: “Die landläufige Etymologie <connecting> ῥέπω ... ist wohl ohne weiteres aufzugeben.”). σορόα· παλιούρου εἶδος ‘sorb-apple’ (H.) continues *sorw- (cf. Lat. sorbus, Fr. sorbier, Fur. 230).

     It seems that there was no initial aspiration in Pre-Greek. Furnée has a few words with ἁ‑, ἑ‑ (one or two with ἱ‑; none with ὁ‑, ἡ‑, ὡ‑). Several of these are doubtful; best is αἱμασιά (αἱμοί). One might conclude that the language had no h. This would agree with the fact that aspiration is not a distinctive feature in the stops. However, this conclusion is remarkable for ἥρως,  Ἕλληνες and  Ἥφαιστος, which we expect to be Pre-Greek words (but note that Myc. a-pa-i-ti-jo does not have a2‑). Of course, aspiration may have been added secondarily in Greek in individual cases, cf. the variation in ἄφθα / ἅφθα and ἐλεδώνη / ἑλεδώνη, which is a variant of δελεδώνη. However, Prof. Ruijgh pointed out to me that Mycenaean had toponyms (a2-ra-tu-wa) and personal names (a2-ku-mi-jo) with initial h‑; it also occurs in inlaut (pi-a2-la, ko-ri-a2-da-na); cf. further e-ma-a2 (/Hermāhās/ ‘Hermes’).

     Originally, I thought that Pre-Greek only had three vowels: a, i, u. The Greek words concerned often have ε and ο, but this would not be surprising, as the three vowels have a wide phonetic range, and the phoneme /a/ may have sounded like [e] or [o] in many environments. The main reason for me to assume this simple three-vowel system was the fact that the system of suffixes has a, i, u, but not e, o. We have ‑αγ‑, ‑ιγ‑, ‑υγ-; prenasalized ‑αγγ‑, ‑ιγγ‑, ‑υγγ-; likewise ‑αθ‑, ‑ιθ‑, ‑υθ-; and prenasalized ‑ανθ‑, ‑ινθ‑, ‑υνθ‑, but no forms with ‑εγ(γ)‑, ‑ογ(γ)‑, etc. The only cases I noticed are Ῥήσκονθος and ὄλονθος (but as a variant of ὄλυνθος), and μηλολόνθη with a variant μηλ(ολ)άνθη.

     Recently, I have become more inclined to assume a system with the usual five vowels, because there seems to be a distinction between the two variations α / ε and α / ο, on the one hand, and a stable, not interchanging α, on the other. This would point to a system with a, e and o. On the other hand, it is difficult to explain why the suffixes do not show the same variation that we find in the root vowels.

     It is essential that the palatalized and labialized consonants colored an adjacent α to ε and ο, respectively. On the effects of palatalized consonants see Beekes 2008: 46-55. Fur. 340 has a rule α > ο before ο, ω, υ (e.g. καλυβός / κολυβός); this can now be understood as the o‑like realization of /a/ before high rounded vowels in the following syllable (see 15.3.2).

     So, e and o originally were variants of the phoneme /a/. It is difficult to establish whether they had already become full phonemes in Pre-Greek. A good illustration of the case is the name of Apollo. In Hittite, Appaliunas renders Apollon- (see Beekes JANER 3, 2003). We know that Greek originally had Ἀπελλ‑, with ‑ε- arising from ‑a- before the palatalized ly. The ‑o- developed only later in Greek, but I assume that the Hittite form still shows the ‑a‑. The Pre-Greek form was Apalyun‑.

     I have long doubted (and still doubt) whether there was phonemic vowel length in Pre-Greek. Greek substrate words quite often only have a form with a long vowel. Vacillation is sometimes found, as in θρινάκη beside θρῖναξ (see Β 6.2), and note ὄβριμος beside βρῑμός, βρῑ́μη. Quite a different argument is the following: ἄχυρον and πίτῡρον both mean ‘chaff’; it is therefore probable that they contain the same suffix ‑υρ‑; but in the first word the u is short, while it is long in the second.

     Note that η often represents ᾱ (γᾱθυλλίς / γηθ‑), and as our knowledge of the relevant dialects is rather limited, we often simply do not know whether η represents an older a or e. If we had not had Dor. σίδᾱρος, we would not have known that it contains an old ā. Also, Λῆμνος represents Λᾶμνος. There are well-known Pre-Greek words with η < *ē, like σπήλαιον.

     I assume two diphthongs, ai and au. If there were no e and o, we do not expect other diphthongs. A diphthong ευ is rare (Fur. 353 Anm. 5; I found some 12 instances in the whole of Furnée’s material); it interchanges with αυ. Fur. 339 Anm. 2) calls ει "(in mehreren Fällen) nur eine Nebenform von αι". Also, οι is rather rare, and we may find ου more often, but mostly interchanging with other vowels (see the remark on the suffix ‑ουρ‑). See further section B6.1 on vowel variation.

     Regarding the accentuation, I noted vacillation in: ἄβραμις / ‑μίς; αἰγώλιος / ‑ιός; ἄχυρος / ‑ός; ἄχωρ / ἀχώρ; κόρυδος / κορυδός; κορύδαλος / κορυδαλλός; μέδιμνος / μεδιμνός; σίκυος / σικυός; ὕρισχος / ὑρισσός. Note also the almost identical forms such as λυκαψός / λύκοψος. This does not imply that the language had no clear stress: the Greeks who adopted a word could simply have been uncertain about it. The phenomenon may, however, be important heuristically: such variation is very rare in inherited words.

2a. Characteristic sounds and sound groups

In Pre‑Greek words, we find some sounds or clusters that are rare in PIE words. In brackets, I give the variants.

    1. αυ: Of course, αυ does occur in PIE words, but only when it derives from *h2eu (mostly in initial position) or eh2u. Examples: βλαῦδες, βραύκας, γραύκαλας, κάναυστρον, κασαύρα, τραυξάνα; Λαβραυνδός.

    2. β: As is well known, *b was rare in PIE. In Pre‑Greek words, it seems to occur relatively often. Examples: ἄβλαροι, ἀβύρβηλος, ἀρβύλη, ἀτάρβακτος, βάρβιλος, θόρυβος, κίβαλος. It is frequently found word-initially. Of course, β may also go back to a Pre‑Greek labiovelar (i.e. labialized velar): e.g. βασιλεύς, Myc. qa-si-re-u.

    3. βδ: The cluster is possible in PIE words, but it is rare (see on β sub 2. above). Examples: ἄβδελλον, ἄβδηρα, ἄβδης, ἴβδης, αὐτο‑κάβδαλος, κίβδηλος, κυβάβδα; Κομβδιλιπια.

    4. γδ: Cf. Fur. 3185. There is nothing against PIE *gd, but it is infrequent. Of course, the group is reminiscent of βδ. Examples: ἄγδυς, ἀμυγδάλη, γδουπέω (cf. κτυπέω), ἴγδη, κρίγδανον, λύγδη.

    5. γν: Example: ἰγνύς (ἰκνύς). On χν, φν, see the section on the suffixes.

    6. δν: The sequence is rare in IE words. Examples: ἀκιδνός, ἀλαπαδνός, ἀράχιδνα, λεπαδνός (λα‑), σίπυδνος; ’Αριάδνη.

    7. κτ: The group is regular in PIE, but in Pre‑Greek it is found with variants; see B5.5. Examples: ἀβίυκτον, βάκται, δίκτυ.

    8. κχ: The group can hardly be of IE origin, but it is not frequent. I noted βάκχαρ, λάκχα, σάκχαρ, συκχάς; Βάκχος, Βρίακχος, Βύκχις. The group ‑κχ‑ is the geminate of χ. Cf. on πφ, τθ.

    9. μν: The group is certainly possible in PIE words, but it is also frequent in Pre‑Greek. Examples: ἀμφι‑κέλεμνον, ϝεδιμνος, ἴαμνος, βασυμνιάτης, κρημνός, λάμνα, λωρυμνόν, μέριμνα, ῥόδαμνος, σίγυμνον, σίδριμνον; Ἀτύμνιος.

    10. ου: The diphthong is perfectly IE, but it is found several times in Pre‑Greek. I do not think that Pre-Greek had a diphthong ‑ou‑, but it may have arisen from e.g. ‑arw‑, which often surfaces as ‑ουρ‑. Examples: σενδούκη, σκίουρος, στρουθός, τάγχουρος, τοῦφος, φάνδουρος, φοῦσκος, χλούνης.

    11. πφ: The group can hardly be of PIE origin, but it is rare in Pre‑Greek words, too. Like in the case of κχ, it is the geminate of φ. Examples: ἀρχιζάπφης (?); Σαπφώ (Ψαπφώ).

    12. ρδ: On a morpheme boundary, the group is possible in PIE. Examples from Pre-Greek: ἀγέρδα, καπαρδεῦσαι, καρδαμάλη.

    13. ρκν: A rare group, perhaps there is even no reason to speak of a group. Examples: ἄβαρκνα, βερκνίς.

    14. ρν (variants ρδ, νδ): Examples: κίσιρνις (‑νδ‑), ἀχέρδα (‑να), σκαπέρδα. See the section on the suffixes.

    15. A σ occurs both word‑initially and between vowels, where it has disappeared in most inherited words. Initial: σάρυττα, σαγύριον, σάναπτιν, σάνδαλον, σαρρυφθεῖν, σεκούα, σιβύνη, σίγυμνον. Intervocalic: ἀγασυλλίς, ἄγχουσα (ἔγχ‑), αἴθουσ(σ)α, αἱμασιά, αἴσακος, ἄλεισον, δρόσος. After resonant: ἄλσος, βάλσαμον, γελσόν, γένσιμος, μάρσιππος (-υππος).

    16. σβ: The group is hardly known from inherited words (σβέννυμι is problematic). Examples: ἄσβολος, θίσβη, Ἄσβετος. ‑σβ‑ may continue Pre‑Greek ‑sgw: Myc. ti-qa-jo may stand for /thisgwaios/ Θισβαῖος.

    17. σγ: Again, this group is hardly known from IE words. It may sometimes continue ‑tyg‑, as in ἀμυσγέλᾱ, Ἀσγελάτας (see 5.5). Examples: ἀλισγέω, ὑσγίνη, φάσγανον, ἀσγάνδης, πισγίς.

    18. σκ, στ: These groups are well known from IE, but mostly in word initial position. See section B5.5. Examples: βέσκεροι, βύσταξ, κύστεροι, λασταγεῖ.

    19. στλ: Though the cluster contains nothing that could not be IE, it occurs more often in substrate words. Examples: ἄστλιγγες, στλεγγίς.

    20. τθ: The group can hardly be of PIE origin. In Pre‑Greek, it is a variant of ττ and σσ (see 5.5). Sometimes, it is clearly the geminate of θ: Ἀτθίς beside Ἀθήνη. Further examples: ἰτθέλα, κότθυβος, Πετθαλοί.

    21. φθ: The cluster is possible in inherited words. Example: νάσκαφθον.

    22. χμ, χν: Rather rare in IE; Fur. 110 assumes that the nasal caused the aspiration. Examples: δαυχμός, δαυχνα‑, σαυχμόν.

    23. Frisk gives some seventy lemmas with ψ‑. Many words are clearly Pre-Greek, and there are no convincing Indo-European etymologies. That many of these words are of substrate origin is also clear from the fact that there are variants with σ‑. Apparently, Pre-Greek did not have any difficulty with ps‑, as Greek has so many words with ψ‑. Originally, I thought that all words with ψ- were Pre-Greek, but this thesis cannot be maintained. Among the non-substrate words, ψύλλα originally did not have *ps‑, and ψ- for φθ- is secondary (see Lejeune 1972: 39); the verb ψήω may well be non-IE.                

    24. ω: Of course, ω is perfectly IE, but it also occurs in Pre-Greek words. Examples: ἀμακρῶτις, ἄνθρωπος, ἀνωνίς, ἀποφώλιος, ἀρρωδέω, ἀσκαλώπας, ϝασκώνδας, ἀσμωλεῖν, βαλλωτή, κασσωρίς, λωρυμνόν.

    25. Geminates (see also B5.8 on single / geminated consonants): Indo‑European had no geminates. Of course, geminates arose in Greek, but they are not very frequent. I doubt whether Pre‑Greek had geminates, but several occur in Pre‑Greek words (Brixhe 1976: 95 states that there were no geminates in this language). As Pre‑Greek had palatalized phonemes, I wonder whether ly was (often) represented by λλ in Greek. In a similar vein, perhaps ny might be represented as νν, and ry as ρρ, but this needs further investigation. For σσ and ττ see B5.5. Unclear are δδ, κκ, ππ, and μμ (a palatalized my is a rare sound). Some further examples:


Stops[8]:   δδ: ἄδδαι, ἄδδιξ

                κκ: ἀκκαλος, βέλεκκος, λάκκος(?)

                ππ: ἄγριππος, λούππις

                ττ: βίττακος, λάττα, κάττος, μάτταβος, μέττες, μίττος; Πιττακός.


Liquids:    λλ: ἀλλάβης, ἀλλοπίης, ἀμίλλακαν, βαλλωτή, βδέλλα, βίλλιν, πάτελλα

                μμ: κλεμμύς

                νν: ἀγάννα, βλέννος, γίννος, λαχάννα; Δίκτυννα

                ρρ: ἀρράβακα, βίρρη, βίρροξ, καρρόν


Sibilant  σσ: αἴθουσ(σ)α, ἄφρισσα, γίσσα.

2b. How to recognize words as Pre-Greek?

This appears to be relatively easy. A first indication is that a given word has no IE etymology. Often, there is variation which is impossible to explain in Indo-European terms. Therefore, the discussion of these variants is essential. Then, there are numerous suffixes that are typical for Pre-Greek (see the list below). The meaning may also provide an indication. The words concerned are often names of plants or animals, or part of viticulture. Frequently, the words are sexual terms.

     If we have some of the above features, it is quite clear that we are dealing with a Pre-Greek word. The origin of the word is then indicated pg➢ in the dictionary. In many cases, we do not have enough data and can only suspect that the word might be Pre-Greek (the origin is then indicated as pg?➢).

3. Prothetic vowel

Pre-Greek had a prothetic vowel, e.g. ἁσκάλαφος beside κάλαφος. In most cases, the vowel is ἀ‑. The numbers (Fur. 368ff.) are as follows: α ± 90, ο 10, ε 5, ι 3, υ ø, η 6, αι 2. Note that, generally speaking, α may interchange with ο, ε, and αι. Indeed, we have cases where prothetic ο interchanges with α, and the same holds for ε (e.g. εἰκλ‑ / αἰκλ‑, ἑψία / ἀψία). Although not all other cases can be explained away, it seems that the phenomenon originally only concerned α. Examples: ἀγασυλλίς / γηθυλλίς; ἀκιρίς / κίρρις; ἀκορνοί / κόρνοψ; ἀχραδαμύλα / χραμαδοῖλαι; ἀναρίτης / νηρίτης; ἀσκάλαβος / (σ)καλαβώτης; ἀχύνωψ / κύνωψ.

4. s-mobile

A large number of words shows an initial σ‑ before a consonant, which is absent in practically identical variants. It occurs before a stop or m (so not before r, l, n); the stop is mostly voiceless, sometimes aspirated; see Fur. 390f. Examples: γέλενος / σχέλινος, (σ)κιδάφη, κίκερος / σκίγκος, (σ)κορδῡ́λη, βάταλος / σπ‑, πέλεθος / σπ‑, φαττάγης / σπ‑, θριγκός (τριγχός) / στρίγχός, τοπεῖον / στυππεῖον, (σ)μήρινθος, (σ)μύραινα. A prothetic vowel may appear before an s‑mobile (Fur. 3908): ἀσκάλαβος / σκαλαβώτης / καλαβάς, ἀσφάραγος / σφάραγος / φάραγξ, ἀσκάλαφος / κάλαφος.


5. Consonant variation

5.1 Voiceless / voiced / aspirated stop

Furnée’s conclusion was that ‘Pre-Greek’ was a non-Indo-European language, with no recognizable cognates. This implies that the phonemic system may have been different from that of Indo-European. Thus, he found that the stops show variation between voiced, voiceless and aspirated, so that there presumably was no phonemic distinction between voice and aspiration in the language. As there is no reason to assume that this is a recent phenomenon, it strongly suggests that the language was non-Indo-European. For example, πτωχός belongs to a root ptāk- / ptōk- also seen in πτώξ, ‑κός. Since such a variation is hardly understandable in Indo-European terms, the word must be Pre-Greek. Furnée’s discussion of this variation runs from p. 115 till p. 200. Even if we allow for some mistakes, it is clear that there is abundant evidence for this phenomenon. ­

5.2 Prenasalization

Before a stop, a nasal may be present or not in Pre-Greek words. E.g. κάχρυς / καγχρυς, κορυφή / κόρυμβος, σαλάβη / σαλάμβη, etc. The phenomenon is extremely frequent, but its precise origin is not known (prenasalized consonants?).

5.3 Nasalization

A consonant is replaced by a homorganic nasal: κιδαφεύειν / κιναφεύειν, φληδῶντα / φλήναφος.       

5.4. Labial stops / m /

There are three interchanges: labial stop / μ, labial stop / ϝ and μ / ϝ.


    Labial stop / μ (Fur. 203‑227). Examples: ἀρβύλη / ἄρμυλα; βάρβιτος / βάρμιτος; κύμινδις / κύβινδις; λυκάβας / λυκάμας; μύσταξ / βύσταξ; σκόλυμος / σκόλυβος; φάρμακον / φόρβαντα; σφάραγος / σμάραγος.


    Labial stop / ϝ (Fur. 228‑242). Examples: τέθηπα, θάπος / θαῦμα; κόβαλος / καυαλός; κασσαβάς / κασαύρα; κράμβος / κραῦρος.


     μ / ϝ (Fur. 242‑247). A difficulty here is that Greek did not preserve a ϝ in most cases, so that we often just find zero, and the ϝ can only be reconstructed. This gives rise to a certain degree of uncertainty. Perhaps, we have to reckon with the possibility of a development u > b. Examples: βασυμνι‑άτης / βασυν‑ίας; κρίμνον / κρίνον; μέδιμνος / ϝεδιμνος; σίγυμνος / σίγῡνος (also σίγυννος). The evidence comprises 8 or 9 words in ‑μνος. It is found six times word-initially: e.g. μῆλον / ἦλον; μονθυλεύω / ὀνθυλεύω; note μέροψ / ἀέροψ (εἴροψ), where the latter forms could continue *ἀ‑ϝεροψ / *ἐ‑ϝεροψ with a prothetic vowel. Note further κύαμος / κύμηχα, which perhaps continues *κυϝ‑αμ‑, *κυμ‑ηκ‑.

5.5 Stops interchanging with σ(σ), with stop + σ/τ or with σ + stop

This kind of variation is quite complicated. I distinguished no less than 10 (or even 15) different types[9]. They may be represented as follows (C = consonant):


                               a. labials               b. velars

1. C / Ct                 π / πτ                    κ / κτ

2. C / Cs                π / ψ   

3. C / sC                (π / σπ)                 κ / σκ

4. Ct / Cs               πτ / ψ                    κτ / ξ

5. Ct / sC                                            κτ / σκ

6. Cs / sC              (ψ / σπ)                (ξ / σκ)

7. Cs / ss               ξ / σσ

8. sC / ss                                           σκ / σσ

8c. C / ss                                           κ / σσ


9. t / ss                  τ / σσ

10. t / st                τ / στ

     The analysis of these variants is not easy, and I mainly present the data here. A question that needs to be explained is why exactly s or t are involved in the given variation.

     The most complicated instance is 5b, where we find κτ/σκ. In fact, the most complicated phenomenon contains most information, and can be solved best. In this case, one expects a cluster with k, i.e. a consonant before or after the k. One of the two expected clusters must have undergone metathesis. As Greek did undergo a metathesis τκ > κτ (and no metathesis of σκ or ξ), we may assume that precisely this phenomenon was operative here. Thus, for an earlier stage we may reconstruct an interchange σκ/τκ. This interchange can be easily explained by assuming a consonant, probably unknown to Greek, which resulted either in σ or in τ. In my interpretation, this must have been a palatalized dental, i.e. /ty/. For instance, ἀμυσγέλα / ἀμυγδάλη was probably *amutygala, represented first as *amusgala or *amudgala, the latter yielding *amugdala. A less clear example is Asklepios, who was called Ἀ(ι)σκλαπιός or Ἀ(ι)γλαπιός. It could be that the name was *Atyklap‑, giving *A(i)sklap‑ or *A(i)dglap‑. In the latter form, metathesis did not operate because **Agdlap‑ was not tolerated in Greek; the dental was then simply lost. Needless to say, it often happens that only one variant is found. The strange feature or phoneme may also be dismissed altogether, as in δικεῖν next to δίσκος and δίκτυον.

     One might suppose that all variants in this group are due to a palatalized dental, but this is not evident, as consonant clusters are rather rare, and as there are no suffixes beginning with a consonant (except n, r, etc.). We may be unable to determine what exactly happened in each case.

     Type 4 is treated by Fur. 2633. Since Pre-Greek did not distinguish voice and aspiration in stops, these often vary; so if we speak of kt or κτ, this also includes realization as χθ, such as in μόροχθος below. If we consider the variation with labials, as in pt/ps, it is clear that we are dealing with a labial followed by a dental. The dental could also appear as s, so it is clear that the phoneme concerned was a palatalized dental, which I note /ty/. This means that we are dealing with a group pty. In the same way, with a velar we have kty.

     The example διφθέρα next to διψάρα is well-known and clear. Furnée further gives γναμπτούς· χαλινούς (H.) beside γλαμψοί· χαλινοὶ στόματος (H.) and compares πτίλον with Dor. ψίλον. His example ὀπτός ‘cooked’ next to ὄψον is less evident.

     Among the forms with a velar, there is no problem with μόροχθος / μόροξος. The best known example is Ἐρεχθεύς (also Ἐριχθεύς) next to Ερεχσες on Attic vases. I have no opinion on Ἐριχθόνιος; it may be a Graecisized form, and in this case it is unimportant for Pre-Greek. See further the ethnonyms Δατύλε-πτοι, Δηλό-πτης, Γαλη-ψοί, Λαδέ-ψοί and Τρανι-ψοί. Other forms are less clear.

     There may have been series with three forms, with kt / ks, pt / ps and also k or p. I can only mention Ἄραχθος / Ἀράξης next to Ἄραγος, and perhaps, next to διφθέρα / διψάρα, the verb δέφω (together with δεψ‑), for both cf. Fur. 263.

     Above, we assumed that a labial or a velar could be followed by a palatalized dental /ty/. If this is right, we can also postulate that this consonant (labial or velar) was followed by a normal dental. Of course, this yielded pt and kt. I assume that the second consonant of this group (the dental) could have been dropped, which yielded single p or k. This explains the type π(τ)ολεμος (Fur. §50) and βρόγχος (with prenasalization) beside βρόχθος (Fur. §51).

     I will shortly review the 10 (15) types (I call the labials 1a, etc., the velars 1b, etc.).

     1a. πτ may represent a single phoneme py, as we saw in B1. Examples: (Fur. 315ff.): γνυπ- / γνυπτ- (γνυπετ‑); κολύμβαινα / κολύβδαινα; κίβαλος / κίβδης; λύπη / λύπτα; without variants note κρόσσοφθον, σαρρυφθεῖν.

     1b. κτ is most probably explained like 5b, discussed above (so 1b is a part of 5b). Examples (Fur. 319ff.): ἄρακις / ἀράκτην; μογέω / μοχθέω; πελεκάν / σπέλεκτος; ἀκακία / κάκτος.

     2a. ψ may result from *pty. It is remarkable that there is no 2b. κ / ξ, as ξ is unproblematic in Greek.[10]

     3a. π / σπ, b. κ / σκ: Both may represent *typ, tyk. Examples: θίσβη / θίβις (Fur. 2922), βέκος / βέσκεροι; ἴχλα / ἴσκλαι; μάκελλα / μάσκη (βάσκη); μῦκος / μύσκος; φάκελον / φάσκωλος (Fur. 295ff.).

     4a. πτ / ψ, b. κτ / ξ were discussed above and may continue *pty, kty; they may belong together with 2a. Examples: διφθέρα / διψάρα (Fur. 263 Anm. 3); χαλυβδικός / Χάλυψος (Fur. 318, 324); μόροχθος / μόροξος (Fur. 263 Anm. 3).

    5b. κτ / σκ was discussed above. Examples: ἀμυσγέλα / ἀμυγδάλη (Fur. 301 Anm. 2); δίσκος / δίκτυ(ον) (Fur. 279, 319).

    6a. ψ / σπ, b. ξ / σκ. Fur. 393 simply considered the interchange as due to metathesis, which, of course, is possible. *sp, *sk may represent *typ, tyk. Examples (Fur. 393): ἀσπίνθιον / ἀψίνθιον; ὀσφῦς / ψύαι; ἴσχίον / ἰξῦς; φοῦσκος / φοξός.

    7b. ξ / σσ. If ξ represents *kty, the k may have disappeared in other cases (which did not give ξ) after which *ty became σσ. Examples: κριξός / κρισσός (Fur. 13059); σίβδα / ξίμβα (Fur. 317); τραύξανα, τρώξανον / τραύσανον (Fur. 28672); ἰξάλη / ἰσάλη (ἰσσέλα, ἰτθέλα); Οὐλίξης /  Ὀδυσσεύς.

    8b. σκ / σσ can be explained parallel to 7b: *tyk > σκ or, with loss of the k, *ty > σσ. Example (Fur. 300): ὔρισχος / ὑρίσσος.

    9a. τ / σσ. This is the well‑known element that yielded σσ / ττ. Furnée does not discuss it under this heading, because he gives only one phoneme (‘letter’) and its variants; for instance, he discusses σκ / κτ under κ / κτ. The situation is also different here, as we are able to discern a distribution among the Greek dialects, and attribute the different renderings of these loanwords to dialectal developments. Still, the fact remains that a foreign element was rendered in different ways, as with all other phenomena discussed here. Fur. 253 has the heading τ, δ, θ / σ(σ), ζ. I think this should be reformulated as τ (δ, θ), ττ (τθ) / σ (ζ), σσ, i.e. τ with its usual variants δ, θ; or the geminated ττ (with its expected variant τθ, which is the Greek form of geminated θθ), interchanging with σ or σσ. If the ζ was [sd], it does not fit in well. As to its interpretation, it could represent single *ty, which was rendered ττ or σσ, or single σ, τ (the variant ζ would then fit in, but one would also expect a variant στ). Examples (Fur. 253ff.): κιττός / κισσός, κρότιον / κρόσσοφθον, μύρτίνη / μυρσίνη, τεῦτλον / σεῦτλον, τίλφη / σίλφη, γάδος / γάζας, ἀσμωλεῖν / ἀδμωλή.

     I think that the phoneme rendered by σσ, Att. ττ (called the foreign phoneme or Fremdphonem) was a palatalized velar, which I write as ky, cf. Beekes JIES 37 (2009): 191-197. This would be parallel to the development of inherited velar + yod, which gave σσ, Att. ττ, as in φυλάσσω, φυλάττω. This interpretation is confirmed by θάλασσα, θάλαττα, where we have a variant δαλάγχαν· θάλασσαν (H.). Here we see that after the nasal (prenasalization is well known in Pre-Greek), the palatal feature of the consonant was dropped. This resulted in a velar (here realized as an aspirate). The variant shows that we may be dealing with a velar in cases of σσ / ττ. We can also compare κολύμβαινα beside κολύβδαινα, which had py; again we see that the palatal feature was lost after the inserted nasal.

     There is a third representation. We know that the name of Odysseus was Ὀλυσσευ‑, Ὀλυττευ‑. This means that it probably had a palatalized velar, *ky. But we also find Οὐλιξεύς (Ibyc. apud Diom. Gr. p. 321 K, Hdn. Gr., Plut.), a form which was at the basis of Latin Ulixes. This form was taken from a Western Greek dialect, probably Doric. Therefore, a third representation of the foreign phoneme is ‑ξ‑.

    10a. τ / στ may be from *tyt giving στ or, with loss of the t, *ty > σσ. Examples (Fur. 301ff.): βαλλωτή / βαλλαύστιον; μάτρυλλος / μάστρυλλος; μύτις / μύσταξ; πατίλη / παστίλη.

     As we saw, it is very difficult to determine what exactly happened in each case; on the other hand, it is clear that almost all variation can be understood if we start from just a few assumptions.

5.6 Velar / labial / dental stops: labiovelars

There is limited evidence for variation between velar and labial, between velar and dental, and between labial and dental, and between all the three classes (Fur. 388ff.). We find:


κ / π, β κ / τ, δ   π / τ        

γ / β       γ / δ       β / δ          γ / β / δ

χ / φ       φ / θ      χ / φ / θ


It is remarkable that the variants mostly agree in voice / aspiration. Since examples of this phenomenon are not particularly numerous, this may be an indication that the words concerned are not of Pre-Greek origin, but due to borrowing from a different substrate, for instance. Examples:


κ / π: κλάνιον / πλανίς

γ / β: βράκαλον / ῥόπαλον; γλέπω / βλέπω; χάλις / φαλικρόν

κ / τ: ἀσκάνδης / ἀστάνδης

γ / δ: γάλατμον / ἀδαλτόμον

π / τ: βαπαίνει / βαταίνει

β / δ: σάμβαλον / σάνδαλον

φ / θ: γνυφαί / γνύθος

γ / β / δ: γέφυρα / βέφυρα / δέφυρα.


It is tempting to assume labiovelars to explain these cases, but some cases may have a different origin (thus, βράκαλον / ῥόπαλον could be due to dissimilation in the first variant). On the existence of labiovelars in Pre-Greek, see above on the phonemic system.

5.7. Dentals / liquids

There are some instances of variation between dentals (including n) and liquids (l, r). This variation is incidental. Examples (Fur. 387f.):

a. δ / λ: ἄβλαρος / βδαροί (Fur. 33027), δάφνη / λάφνη, Ὀδυσσεύς / Ὀλυσσεύς. Cf. Myc. gen. da-pu2-ri-to-jo  /daphurinthoio/ / λαβύρινθος, καλάμινθα / Myc. ka-da-mi-ta. The interchange δ / λ and the fact that Linear B has signs for da, de, di, etc. (which Lejeune explained by assuming a specific, unusual sound đ) might point to a dental fricative ƛ.

     θ / λ: θάπτα / λάττα

     ν / λ: νίτρον / λίτρον

b. δ / ρ: σίβδα / ξίμβραι

     ν / ρ: βλῆχνον / βλῆχρον

c. λ / ρ: ἀζηρίς / ἀζηλίς, κρίβανος / κλίβανος, κρῶμαξ / κλῶμαξ.

5.8. Simple / geminate

Except for a few isolated cases, we find this interchange in ν / νν, but more notably in λ / λλ. On τ / ττ and σ / σσ see above sub 5.5. Cf. Fur. 386f. Examples:


ν / νν: ἄνηθον (also τ) / ἄννηθον (also τ); τημενίς / τήβεννα. In this context, note the suffix ‑υνν‑.


λ / λλ: βαλ(λ)ήν; θυλίς / θυλλίς; σπέλεθος / σπέλληξι; μακέλη / μάκελλα (this probably derives from PG *‑alya‑). Note γεῖσ(σ)ον, σάρῑσα / σάρισσα, and the case of Ἀθήνη / Ἀτθίς / Ἀττικός.

5.9. σ‑ / zero

We discussed σ / zero before consonant under s-mobile above, section B4.

     An ‑s- from Pre-Greek is normally maintained. The only instances that I know of, where it may have disappeared, are (cf. Fur. 241): σύριχος, σύρισσος / ὑριχός (also ‑ίσκος, ‑ίσχος, ‑ίσσος); συβάλλας / ὑβάλλης; σαγήνη / Cypr. ἀγάνα; σιπύη / ἰπύα. Perhaps Ἑλλάς beside Σελλοί belongs here, too. Another instance could be ἄπιον, which is cognate with Lat. pirum which points to ‑pis‑.

5.10. K‑, T‑ / zero

There are instances where a velar or a dental may be absent in initial position (Fur. 391, and 13159). Dentals may also be absent in inlaut. Examples:

     κ / zero: κάνδαρος / ἄνθραξ, καλινδέομαι / ἀλίνδω, κόγχναι / ὄγχναι, κανθήλιον / ἀνθήλιον.

     γ / zero: γίννος / ἰννός, but this form may be a late development. As an explana-tion, one could think of a uvular q.

     τ / zero: τάγχουρος / ἄγχουρος, τήγανον / ἤγανον, τίφυον / ἴφυον (with ῑ in LSJ);

     δ / zero: δελεδώνη / ἑλεδώνη (also ἐ‑).


     Loss of a dental in inlaut: νέτωπον / νίωπον, ἰθουλίς / ἴουλίς, ἀσίδαρος / ἀσίαρος.

5.11. ν‑, λ‑ / zero

ν‑ and λ‑ can also be absent (Fur. 391f): νάφθα / ἄφθα (also ἅ‑). λαιψηρός / αἰψηρός, λαμπήνη / ἀπήνη, λατμενεία / ἀτμήν. Perhaps, it concerns palatalized ny, ly, which are pronounced very ‘light’.             

5.12. Metathesis, shift of aspiration

There are instances of metathesis. It mostly concerns ρ, sometimes λ. The consonant jumps to the other side of the vowel or the consonant: κιρσός / κρισσός, κριξός; τέρμινθος / τρέμιθος. Cf. Τερμίλαι / Τρεμίλαι; ἄρπιξ / ἀπρίξ; κέδροπα / κέρδοπα; νάθραξ / νάρθηξ. In most cases, it cannot be determined what the original configur-ation was. In a case like ἔρβως / εὔρως, where β may stand for (or continue) ϝ, I would think that the ϝ was anticipated. It may concern an original rw.

     The cases of σπ / ψ and σκ / ξ are discussed in 5.5 above.

     Shift of aspiration is found in some cases: θριγκός / τριγχός, ἀθραγένη / ἀνδράχνη. In the case of φάτνη / πάθνη the metathesis seems to have occurred in the later history of Greek (Beekes 2003).

5.13 Secondary phonetic developments

    1. We may assume secondary phonetic developments, either in Greek or perhaps already in the original language. One might consider:


βδ- > βλ-: βδαροί / ἄβλαροι. For this case, cf. 5.7b δ / λ.

βδ > βρ: βδέλλιον / βρέλλιον (Fur. 308)

γδ‑ > δ‑: γδοῦπος / δοῦπος

δν- > γν-: δνόφος / γνόφος

κμ‑ > μ‑: κμέλεθρον / μέλαθρον

ψ‑ > σπ‑: ψενδυλ‑ / σπονδύλη? See 5.5.6 above.

ψ‑ > σ‑: ψέφας / σεῖφα; ψίττακος / σίττακος; cf. Ψαπφώ, Σαπφώ.


    2. α > ο before υ in the following syllable. The a was probably pronounced a little higher before the u, and was realized as [å], which resulted in ο. Examples: ἀξουγγία > ὀξύγγιον, καλύβη > κόλυβος, *σκαραβ- (κάραβος) > σκορόβυλος, δορύκνιον for *δ(α)ρυκν‑.

5.14 Other variation

There are a few instances of isolated and puzzling variation. I mention just one, the word for ‘night’, where we have ψέφας, κνέφας, δνόφος, ζόφος. I think that in some of these cases, the solution may be found in a cluster. Carian, for example, allows an initial cluster kbd‑. Such clusters would have been simplified in Greek. In an inherited word, we have the parallel of Lat. pecten, Gr. κτείς, which is supposed to continue *pkt‑. If we assume a cluster *kdn‑ in our example, it may have been reduced to kn‑ or, with loss of the first consonant, to dn‑. Thus, the process is the same as the reduction γδ‑ > δ‑, see 5.13 above. Such variant simplifications are typical for loanwords. In this way, we could connect two of the words; but I see no way to connect the other two.

6. Vowel variation

6.1 Single vowels (timbre)

The vowels show many variants. I will discuss them in the following order: first a, then e and o; and within each of these groups first the short vowel, then the diphthongs, then the long vowel (and the long diphthongs, but these hardly occur). Note that a variation x / y is not repeated under y.


1. the vowel α.

1a. α / ε has 80 occurrences in Furnée’s material (347). Examples: ἄγχουσα / ἔγχουσα, ἄρυσος / ἔρυσος, γάλινθοι / γέλινθοι, ζακελτίς / ζεκελτίς, καίατα / καιέτας, κάμπος / κέμπορ, κάχρυς / κέγχρος, σάνδυξ / σενδούκη.

1b. α / ο. This interchange also occurs frequently. Fur. 339 mentions that he found 80 instances. Examples: ἀξουγγία / ὀξύγγιον, ἀρρωδέω / ὀρρωδέω, γράβιον / γοβρίαι, ἠπίαλος / ἠπίολος, κάβαξ / κόβακτρα, καλύβη / κόλυβος, λυκαψός / λύκοψος.

1c. α / αι (Fur. 336ff.). Examples: ἀκραιφνής / ἀκραπνής, ἀσύφηλος / αἰσύφιος, λάγματα / λαίγματα. The ι here is due to the following palatalized consonant.

1d. α / αυ (Fur. 30237). Examples: καναύστρον / κάναστρον, μνάσιον / μναύσιον; ἄλοξ / αὖλαξ. In the last example, the υ is probably due to the following labialized phoneme lw.

1e. α / ω: κλάδος / κλῶναξ.

1f. αι / ει (Fur. 352 Anm. 4, 339 Anm. 2). Examples: καιρία / κειρία, κύπαιρος / κύπειρος, λαιαί / λεῖαι. Both αι and ει are due to the following palatalized consonant.

1g. αυ / ευ (Fur. 353 Anm. 5). Examples: λαυκανίη / λευκανίη, πέταυρον / πέτευρον; αὖλαξ / εὐλάκα.

1h. αυ / ω, ο (Fur. 30132). Examples: κασαύρα(ς) / κασωρίς, θαῦμα / θῶμα, σαῦσαξ / σώσικες, βαύκαλον / βῶκος, καλαῦροψ / κολλώροβον / κολλόροβον.

1i. / αι (Fur. 338). Examples: λήθαργος / λαίθαργος, ληκάω / λαικάζω, πήγανον / φαίκανον.

1j. / . Examples: λᾳδος (λῄδιον) / λᾶδος (λήδιον).


2. the vowel ε.

2a. ε / α: see under α.

2b. ε / ι (Fur. 355ff.). Examples: βλίτυξ / βλέτυες, ἐβίσκος / ἰβίσκος, δέπας / Myc. dipa, ἔντυβον / ἴντυβος, κελλόν / κίλλιξ, κιλλίβας / κελλίβας, κύτεσος / κύτισος, λέσφος / λίσπος (φ). The e was not phonologically distinguished from i, and they were phonetically close.

2c. ε / ι / υ (Fur. 35455). Example: κεχράμος / κίχραμος (κιγκράμας) / κύχραμος.

2d. ε / ευ (Fur. 115). Example: ἄργετος / ἄρκευθος.

2e. ει / αι: see αι.

2f. ει / η (Fur. 339 Anm. 2). Examples: κείθιον (χείτιον) / κήθιον, χειραμός / χηραμός.

2g. ευ / ε: see ε / ευ.

2h. ευ / αυ: see αυ.

2i. ε / η (Fur. 35842). Examples: ἔνυστρον / ἤνυστρον, μέρμερος / μέρμηρα, ψάκελον / βάκηλον, μήδεα / μέδεα (μέζεα); Πηλαγόνες / Πελαγόνες.

2j. η / ι (Fur. 171114). Examples: βλῆτον / βλίτον, σκῆνος / σκίναρ, ψημύθιον / ψιμύθιον.


3. the vowel ο.

3a. ο / α: see α.

3b. ο / ι (Fur. 19137). Examples: ἄκονος / ἄκινος, ἰβρίκαλοι / ὀβρίκαλα, Ὄνογλιν / ὄνιγλιν.

3c. ο / υ (Fur. 358ff.). Examples: ὄλονθος / ὄλυνθος, σκολοβρέω / σκολυβρός, σκύτη / ‑κόττα, κυδώνιον / κοδώνεα, κυρσέας / κορσίς, πρύτανις / πρότανις, τοπεῖον / στυππεῖον. ο and υ were phonetically very close, and not distinguished phonologic-ally (cf. on ε / ι).

3d. ο / ου (Fur. 359). Examples: βρόκος / βροῦκος, κολοτέα / κολούτεα (also ‑λυ‑, ‑λω‑).

3e. ο / ω (Fur. 279). Examples: γνοτέρα / γνωτέρα, κολλώροβον / κολλόροβον, φασίωλος / φασίολος (also ‑ουλος), ὤρυγγες / ὄρυξ, ‑γος; ὠσχοί / ὄσχη.

3f. οι / υ (Fur. 127). Example: χραμαδοῖλαι / ἀχραδαμύλα (ἀκραμύλα).

3g. οι / ου (Fur. 358). Examples: κολουτία / κολοιτία (κολοτέα), ψούδιον / ψοίθης?

3h. ου / υ (Fur. 12029). Examples: κτύπος / γδουπέω, κροῦναι / γρῡνός.

3i. ου / ω (Fur. 133). Examples: μωκάομαι / μουκήζει; λούπης / λώβηξ (Fur. 148).

3j. ω / η. Example: θρῶναξ / ἀνθρήνη.

3k. ω / υ (Fur. 30235). Examples: ζώγιος / ζύγγιος, ὕσσωπος / ἱσσύπος, λωβεύω / λυβάζειν.

3l. ο / ε. Example: γοργυρα / γεργυρα


4. ι / υ. There is some variation between ι and υ, but I do not know how to interpret it. Examples (Fur. 364ff.): αἰσυμνάω / αἰσιμνάω; ἀνθρίσκος / ἄνθρυσκον; βίδην / βυδοί; βρικός / βρυκός; ζύγαστρον / σίγιστρον; κινώπετον / κυνοῦπες; κύβεσις / κίβισις; μάρσιππος / μάρυππος.


5. υ / ε. Example: γυργαθός / γεργαθος.


The behavior of the diphthongs may be summarized as follows:

    αι / ει               and (vice versa)                 ει / αι

    αυ / ευ, ω                                                 ευ / αυ

    οι  / υ, ου

    ου / υ, οι, ω

All this variation is understandable in terms of adaptation of a three‑vowel system.

6.2. Long / short:      

One may doubt whether Pre‑Greek had a distinction of long and short vowels (see Β1). We do find η and ω, however, but not very often, and the latter has several variants. On the other hand, the variations ω / ο and η / ε are not very frequent (although in this case also the difference in timbre may have been important, depending on the Greek dialect). Variation between long en short ι and υ is frequent, especially in suffixes: γήθυον / γάθια, κύβεσις / κίβησις, θῖβις / θίβις, κρίμνον / κρῖμνον, θρῖναξ / θρινάκη; ψημύθιον / ψιμῡ́θιον, σπονδῡ́λη / σπονδύλιον. Cf. κᾱ́ραβος / καράμβιος (cf. κηραφίς), φενᾱκίζω / πηνηκίζω ‘deceive’; Ὠγην(‑) / Ὠγεν(‑); γνοτέρα / γνωτέρα.

     There is some evidence for short vowel + CC alternating with long vowel + C: e.g. μῦκος / μύσκος; Λάρῑσα / Λάρισσα; see B 1 on ‑ιξ, ‑υξ.

6.3. Single vowel / diphthong:

There are several instances where a diphthong varies with a single vowel. They can be found above (6.1). Most frequent is α / αι, but this is due to the effect of a following palatalized consonant. We further find α / αυ, ε / ευ, and ου / υ and οι / υ. In two cases we find diphthong alternating with a long vowel: αι / ᾱ, ει / η. Examples were given above.

6.4. Rising diphthongs?

Relatively frequent in Pre-Greek words are sequences of a more closed vowel followed by a more open one, sequences that are not found in IE. They would be rising diphthongs if they formed one syllable, but in fact we may have to do with two syllables. Examples are:

-εα-: σεᾱγών (σι‑, συ‑)

-ια-: βατιάκη, θίασος, θρίαμβος, σίαλον, φιάλη, φιαρός. Note σιᾱγών (σε‑, συ‑)

-ιυ-: ἰυγή

-υα-: βρυαλίζων, γύαλον (γυε‑), κύαμος, πύαλος, πύανον, συαγρίς

-υε-: γυέλιον (γύαλον), πύελος (πυα‑)


     Remarkable, too, is the sequence ‑ωυ‑ in πῶυ(γ)ξ, μωύς.

6.5. Secondary vowels (or elision)

Sometimes, words show a vowel that is absent in nearly identical forms. It mostly concerns vowels between a stop and a resonant. It is often not clear whether the presence or the absence of a vowel is secondary. See Fur. 378‑385. Examples: βράγχια / βαράγχια; δορύκνιον for *δρυκν- in στρυχν-; σκέρβολος / σκέραφος; κνύζα / (σ)κόνυζα; σκόροδον / σκόρδον; τονθορύζω / τονθρύζω; Ἀρεπυία /  Ἅρπυια; κνώψ / κινώπετον / κυνοῦπες; Κορύβαντες / Κύρβαντες.

C. Morphology

1. Reduplication

Some forms seem to have reduplication, though we often cannot demonstrate this. Most frequent is partial reduplication, where only the first consonant and a vowel are repeated. The vowel is mostly ε or ι.

     Examples: βέβραξ; βέ(μ)βρος; γάγγαμον; γαγγλίον; γαγγραίνα; γίγαρτον; γίγγλυμος; κίκυβος; σέσυφος / Σίσυφος (cf. σόφος); μεμαίκυλον (also μι‑); νενίηλος; σέσελι(ς); σίσυρα (also ‑υρνα); μεμβράς(?); perhaps κίκυμος; κίχραμος (also κε‑, κυ‑, κιγκ‑); δενδρύω. Also the names Κέκροψ; Πεπάρηθος; Τιταρήσιος; Λέλεγες. With prenasalization we find τενθρηδών, τενθρήνη (cf. ἀνθρηδών, θρῶναξ). In these examples, I neglect the fact that there may (or may not) be prenasalization.

    Other reduplication vowels are found in: λάλαμις (cf. λαῖλαψ), κοκρύς, perhaps also γηγῆλιξ.

     Intensive reduplication in: μόρμορος (μορμυραία), μαρμαρυγη.

     More difficult to judge are γέλγις next to ἀγλῖς (perhaps from *γε‑γλ‑, ἀ‑γλ‑), κέρκα next to ἄκρις (if from *κε‑κρ‑, ἀ‑κρ‑). Also Μεμβλίαρος beside Βλίαρος (cf. μεμβράς), Μεμβλίς = Μέλος, also Μιμαλλίς.

     A completely different type is perhaps found in ἀμάμαξυς (cf. ἀμαξίς), and perhaps also ἀμαμιθάδες.

2. Suffixes

2.1 Introduction

It appears that most suffixes have the same structure. They contain a consonant; if this is a stop, it can be prenasalized, i.e. ‑β- or ‑μβ‑, ‑θ- or ‑νθ‑, etc. The stop has its usual variants, like β / π / φ, etc., although mostly one of these is predominant. The suffix usually starts with one of the vowels of the language, mostly α, ι, υ (we find ε or ο  only rarely, e.g. ὄλονθος beside ὄλυνθος). Thus, we may find e.g. αγγ – ιγγ – υγγ; ανθ – ινθ – υνθ, etc.

     A different structure is present in suffixes containing ‑ν- (mostly followed by a vowel) directly after the root-final consonant: e.g. κύδνος, πισάκνα, μόλυχνον, φενακνίς, σαταρνίς. In this way, the groups ‑ρν‑, ‑δν‑, ‑κν‑, ‑μν- in Pre-Greek words probably originated. In the case of ‑μν‑, we often find a vowel again: ‑αμν‑, ‑ιμν‑, ‑υμν‑. The groups ‑μν‑ and ‑ρν‑ are especially frequent. They are very important, as they are found in Etruscan, which for the rest shows little agreement with Pre-Greek; ‑μν- is found as far as in Cappadocian (see Beekes BiOr 59 (2002): 441f.). Perhaps, the groups ‑ανν‑, ‑ινν‑, ‑υνν- arose in this way, too.

     Other consonants are found in suffix-initial position, too: e.g., ‑ρ‑, ‑δ‑, ‑γ‑, rarely ‑λ‑. Examples: ψυδρός, κύριθρα, παναγρίς, φάλακρος; σκαπέρδα; λάθαργος; ὄνιγλιν.

     It is often possible to determine to which series the Pre-Greek consonant belonged. Thus, ‑αιν‑ could render ‑any‑, while ‑aly- seems to have resulted in ‑αλλ- (or ‑ελλ- with coloring of the vowel). Likewise, ‑ειρ- could represent ‑ary‑. This thesis would be nicely supported by the segment ‑αυρ‑, if this represents ‑arw- (e.g. αὐροσχάδες beside ἀρασχάδες, if this form had *-arw‑). Cf. B1 above.

     Another type of suffix has σ followed by a dental: κάνασθον (‑στρον), λαιστρόν or another stop ἔνθρυσκον, αὐροσχάς, κανναβίσκα; these forms may have been partly adapted to Greek suffixes (‑τρον). See below on the suffix ‑στ‑.

     A form such as ‑ευτ‑ is deviating; we do not often find a diphthong before the consonant. Does it stand for *‑aut‑ from ‑atʷ? Cf. ‑aiu‑ in ἔλαιον, where we may suspect ayʷ or awy (but it may be part of the root). See further section B1.

     Not seldom do we find a long and a short vowel with a suffix (= consonant), e.g. ιθ – ῑθ, υκ – ῡκ. In the case of ῡρ, one might again think of ury > uir, although ry is a rare phoneme (like my).

2.2 Survey of the suffixes

In principle, we find one of the three vowels of the language followed by a (prenasalized) consonant:  a, i, u + (m)P, (n)T, (n)K. The groups actually found are, in Greek letters (forms in brackets are rare or less frequent):


                1.            2.            3.            4.            5.            6.            7.            8.            9.

aNC                        αμβ                        (αντ)      ανδ         ανθ                        αγγ                                          

iNC                                                                     ινδ          ινθ                         ιγγ                   

uNC                        υμβ                        (υντ)      υνδ         (υνθ)                     υγγ    


So, we do not find: 1. VNπ and 3. VNφ, 7. VNκ, 9. VNχ (except for δαλαγχαν).


     In the same way, we find vowel + C. The consonant may have the normal variation: plain, voiced, aspirated. A palatalized consonant could color a preceding and/or a following /a/ to [ε], which may also appear as ει. This phenomenon is often seen in languages with palatalized consonants, such as Russian and Irish. Thus, we find ‑ary- represented as ‑αιρ- (-ειρ- is also possible). A palatalized ‑ly- may be rendered as a geminate ‑λλ‑.

      If a labialized consonant followed or preceded an α, this vowel may have been perceived as (an allophone of) /o/. For example, ‑arw- may be represented as ‑αυρ‑, with anticipation of the labial element, but also as ‑ουρ‑, in which case the α was colored.

     The suffixal consonant may be geminated; as there is frequent variation between single and geminated consonants in the language, there possibly was no opposition.

     Vowels could be either short or long; in suffixes, a long vowel was quite frequent. A long ū was sometimes represented as ω.

2.3 The material

The examples are mostly taken from Furnée, to whom I refer for details. Words can also be checked in the present dictionary. Variants are given in brackets. I added geographical names (TN) from Fick 1905, and some more material, with references.


1. ‑αβ‑(ο‑) (Fur. 107): ἀγράκαβος, ἀλ(λ)άβης, ἀσκάλαβος, ἀττέλε/αβος, κάνναβος, κόλλαβος, μέσ(σ)αβον, λατραβός, μάτταβος. TN Καττάβιος (Rhodes, Fick 47), Κάσταβος (Caria).

2. ‑αγ‑: ἁρπαγ‑ (cf. Chantraine 1933: 397ff.), λάταξ, οὖραξ.

3. ‑αγγ‑ο-: σφάραγγος.

3a. ‑αγχ-: δαλάγχαν.

4. ‑αδ‑: ἀρασχάδες, μεμβράς, σπυράδ‑.

5. ‑αθ‑ο-: ἀσπάλαθος, γυργαθός, σπύραθοι. TN  Ὑρνάθιον (Epidauros).

6. ‑αι-/-ε(ι)- before a vowel: There are words in ‑αια / ‑ε(ι)α, such as γρυμέα / γρυμεία (also γρυμεῖα) / γρυμαία (note the hesitation in the accentuation). I suggest that the suffix was ‑ay-(a), which was pronounced as [-æya] or [-eya] (we saw that ει often varies with αι). The speakers of Greek identified the suffix with Gr. ‑αι- or ‑ει‑, but the ‑y- could also be lost. In this way the three variant forms can be explained. Further examples are κολοιτέα / κολ(ο)υτέα, κορχυρέα (κορκόδρυα in H. is probably an error); κώδεια / κώδεα (note the short α), beside κώδυια / κωδία (these are not entirely clear to me, but cf. Ἀμάθυια / Ἀμάθεια).

     Furthermore, *-ay-a is likely to be the same suffix as ‑ειᾰ which makes feminine names, e.g. Ἀμάλθεια, Πηνελόπεια, Ἰφιμέδεια (note that in Myc. Ipemedeja, the ‑j- is preserved, cf. Ruijgh 1957: 1553). Of course, many place names end in ‑εια: Καδμεία, Καλαύρεια, Κερύνεια, Μίδεια, Σκελερδεία, Λεβάδεια, etc.

     The final was often adapted to ‑αίᾱ after the dominant type, which is derived from the adjectives in ‑αῖος (see Chantraine, Form. 91): type ἀναγκαίη; cf. βρυκταία, διρκαία, σιβαία.

     We also find ‑εία used in nouns: δαυρεία, ζαλεία, κουλυβάτεια.

     Nouns with ‑εο- are very rare; we find: γωλεός, εἰλεός, κολεόν, νικύλεον, συφεός(?), φωλεός. It may further be found in Ὠκέανος < *-kay-an‑, note the by-forms Ὠγην, Ὠγεν‑.

     Beside ‑αια, ‑εια, we may expect thematic ‑αι-ο-; we find it e.g. in δίρκαιον, σπήλαιον, ψιφαῖον; γραψαῖος, *σκαραβαιος (reconstructed by Fur. 169).

7. ‑αι(ϝ)‑ο‑ (see Fur. 23322, 25532): Partly from ‑αιϝο‑; it is often impossible to establish whether a form had a ‑ϝ- or not. See also 6. above. Examples: ἀκυλαῖον, ἀραιός, βαγαῖος, βαλαιόν, δίρκαιον, ἔλαιον (Myc. era3 / rawo), μάταιος, μεσσαῖον, σίραιον; Ἀχαιϝός. TN Ἀστυπάλαια (Fick: 58).

8. ‑αιβ-ο-: TN Περραιβοί (Thess.).

9. ‑αιθ-: TN Σύμαιθα (Thess.), Περαιθεῖς (Arc. deme), Κελαιθεῖς (Thess. deme), Κυναιθεῖς (Arc. deme).

10. ‑αιν‑ (Fur. 171117): ἄκαινα, ‑ον, βολίταινα, γάγγραινα, κολύβδαινα (also ‑υμβ‑), κορύφαινα, μύραινα, σμύραινα, τρίαινα.

11. ‑αιρ‑(ο‑) represents ‑ary-: κύπαιρος (also ‑ειρον, ‑ηρις, ‑ερος), μάχαιρα.

12. ‑ακ‑ (Fur. 15864): ἀβυρτάκη, αὖλαξ, βατιάκη, δόναξ / δῶναξ / δοῦναξ, θρινάκη (θρῖναξ), θώραξ (also ‑ηξ, ‑ᾱκος), καυνάκη, θῡλάκη, πιστάκη, φάρμακον. TN Ζάρᾱξ, ‑ηξ (Lac.).

13. ‑αλ(λ)‑ο- (Fur. 25428, Beekes 2008): ἀρύβαλλος, αἰγίθαλ(λ)ος, κορύδαλ(λ)ος (also ‑ός), πάρδαλος. TN Κασταλία (Phoc. source), Φάρσᾱλος, Στύμφᾱλος (Arc.).

14. ‑αμβ‑ο- (Fur. 184): δῑθύραμβος, θρίαμβος, ἴαμβος, καράμβας, σήραμβος.

15. ‑αμν‑ο-: δίκταμνον, ῥάδαμνος, σφένδαμνος. TN Σέδαμνος (Crete).

15. ‑αμ‑ο-: ἄρταμος. TN Κίσ(σ)αμος (Cos), Πέργαμον, Κώγαμος (Lydia), Κύαμον (Kydon.), Ὑδραμος (Kydon.).

16. ‑αν-ο-: TN Ἰάρδανος (HN Crete, Elis), Ἀπιδανός (HN Thess.), Ἠριδανός (HN), Ἀνδανος (Fick: 18).

17. ‑ᾱν-: γεντιανή.

18. ‑ανδ‑: ἀσγάνδης.

19. ‑ανδρ-: γελανδρόν. TN Τήλανδρος (Fick 51), Τύμανδ(ρ)ος (Pamph.), Μυίαν-δ(ρ)ος (Fick: 53), Φολέγανδρος.

20. ‑ανθ/τ‑ (Fur. 19135; 21671, ‑αντ‑ unless otherwise stated): ἀλίβας, ἀσκάνθης (σκάνθας), κιλλίβας (but κελλίβατ‑), ὀκρίβας, φάλανθ/τος, Ἄβαντες (Fick: 69, etc.), Μέλανθ/τ‑, Πείρανθ/τ‑, Γίγαντες, Κορύβαντες. TN Βαβράντιον (Chios).

21. ‑ανν‑: τύραννος.

22. ‑αξ- (cf. ‑ιξ‑, ‑οξ‑): ἅμαξα, ἀτράφαξυς, σαβάξας (also ‑κτ‑), TN Κυρτάρπαξον (Crete).

23. ‑απ‑ο- (Fur. 23531): ἄρναπος, γαυσαπός, μόναπος. TN Μεσσαπιος (Crete, Fick: 24).

24. ‑αρ (Fur. 13475), mostly neuters: ἴκταρ, κύδαρ, νέκταρ, σκίναρ, σῦφαρ; adj. μάκαρ; anim. ὄαρ, δάμαρ (gen. ‑ρτος), cf. Myc. dama beside duma.

25. ‑αρ‑ (Fur. 25736): ἄσκαρος, βασσάρα, γάδαρος, γίγγλαρος, κίσθαρος, κύσσαρος, λεσχάρα, φάλαρα. Also σίδᾱρος? TN Ἄπταρα (Crete, Lycia), Πάταρα (Lycia), Μέγαρα (Fick: 75), Ἀλλαρία (Crete).

26. ‑ασ‑α/ο- (Fur. 15757): κάρπασος, καμασός (κάβαισος), πάγασα. TN Κύρβασα (Crete), Πήδασα (Mess.), Παγασαί (Thess.).

27. ‑ασσ-ο-: TN Ῥυτιασσός (Crete), Κρυασσός (Crete), Μυκάλησσός, Ταφιασσός (Fick: 32).

28. ‑ατ-: ἀπάτη, ἠλακάτη. TN Καίρατος (Crete), Μίλατος (Crete, Fick: 27).

29. ‑αυρ‑α/ο- (this may continuearw‑): (ἀ)φαῦρος, φλαῦρος, (ἀ)μαυρός, ἄγλαυρος, θησαυρός, κασαύρα (‑ας), λάσταυρος, πέταυρον (ευ). TN  Ἐπίδαυρος.

30. ‑αχ‑: βότραχος, κύμβαχος, σελάχος.

30a. ‑αψ-: λυκαψός, σκινδαψός.

31. ‑γδ-: perhaps ἄπριγδα [adv.].

32. ‑γρ‑ (cf. on ‑ρ‑): παναγρίς, συαγρίς.

33. ‑εδ-: TN Τένεδος, Λέβεδος, perhaps in Λακεδαίμων.

34. ‑εζ‑α: see below sub 73. on ‑ισ‑.

35. ‑ειρ‑ο- (may continue ‑ery‑,ary‑): αἴγειρος, κύπειρον, σάβειρος (σαπέρδης); Κάβειροι.

36. ‑ελ‑α/ο- (cf. the next): ἀμυσγέλα, ἀσφόδελος, βρίκελος, δρύψελα, (ἐπι)ζάφελος, ἰτθέλα, κύβελα, perhaps δυσπεμπελος.

37. ‑ελλ‑α/ο- (cf. 36.): ἀκρόσπελλος, βάτελλα, βδέλλα, πάτελλα, πέλλα.

38. ‑εμ‑ο- (Fur. 15142): ἰάλεμος, κοά̄λεμος, π(τ)όλεμος (if not IE), θελεμόν.

39. ‑εμν‑(ο‑) (Fur. 15144): ἁμφι‑κέλεμνον, Καρτεμνίδες. TN Σέλεμνος (Fick: 95).

40. ‑ενν‑α (I wonder whether ny could give νν): τήβεννα. Cf. βλέννος. Cf. Lat. (from Etruscan) (doss‑)ennus, Porsenna.

41. ‑ερ‑α/ο-: διφθέρα, ἀσκέρα (also ‑ηρα), κασσίτερος. TN Ὠλερος (Crete).

42. ‑ετ‑ο- (Fur. 1154): καιετός, καίπετος, μάσπετον, νέπετος, τηλύγετος? TN Ξυπέτη (Att.), Ταΰγετος.

42a. ‑ευ- as in nom. ‑εύς: βασιλεύς; several PNs like Ἀχιλ(λ)εύς, Ὀδυσσεύς.

43. ‑ευρ‑: see ‑αυρ‑.

44. ‑ευτ‑ (Fur. 173, 1817): βασκευταί, κρατευταί.

45. ‑ηβ‑α/ο-: κύρηβος. TN Κάνδηβα, Τένδηβα, Τορρηβός (all in Lydia).

46. ‑ηθ-(ο‑): TN Πεπάρηθος, Σεσάρηθος (Fick 67), Κικύνηθος (Pagas.), Πάρνης, ‑ηθ- (Att.). Cf. ‑αθ‑.

47. ‑ηκ‑, ‑ηχ‑ (Fur. 199, 24570): βήρηξ, δάνδηξ, λώβηξ, πήληξ, τράφηξ, φήληξ; κύμηξ / κύμηχα.

48. ‑ηλ‑ο- (Fur. 1155): ἀβρόκηλος, ἀβύρβηλος, ἀσύφηλος, βάκηλος, κάβηλος, κίβδηλος, νενίηλος, τράχηλος, φάσηλος.

49. ‑ήν (Fur. 172118): ἀτμήν, ἀτταγήν, αὐχήν (ἄμφην), βαλ(λ)ήν, δοθιήν, ἐσσήν, καμασήν (‑ασός), κυφήν, σειρήν, σωλήν, ταγήν, τιβήν, perhaps ἀδήν. TN Θηρήν (Crete, Fick: 25), Τροιζήν, Ἀραδήν (Crete).

50. ‑ην-: γλαβρήνη.

51. ‑ηρ: σπίνθηρ; Αἰγλάηρ? TN Ποθηρεύς (Crete), Κύθηρα.

52. ‑ηρ‑ (Fur. 20410): ἄβδηρα, ἄνδηρα, αἰψηρός, ἀσκάληρον, ἀσκηρά (‑έρα); ἰμβηρις, κύπηρις, λεβηρίς.

53. ‑ησ(σ)-α/ο- (cf. ‑ασσ‑): TN Μάρπησσα (M Paros), Μυκαλησσός (Boeotian, Fick 80); Ἀρδηττός (Att.), Ὑμηττός (Att.).

54. ‑ητ‑(ο‑) (Fur. 172118): ἀλ(λ)άβης, κάνης, λέβης, μάσθλης, τάπης (Myc. tepa). Perhaps also ἄν(ν)ητον (also ‑θον, ‑σον)? TN Mᾱ́σητα (Fick 71).

55. ‑ηττ-: see ‑ησσ‑.

56. ‑ηψ-ο-: TN Αἴδηψός (Euboea), Γαληψός (Thracia).

57. ‑θ-ο- (see Chantraine 1933: 368, and cf. ‑νθος): βρένθος, κανθός, σπέλεθος, μίνθος.

58. ‑θρ‑α/ο-: κύριθρα, μάραθρον; HN Λίβηθρα. On ‑αθρον see Fur. 30339: κάν(ν)αθρον, σπάλαθρον. Cf. on ‑στρ‑ον.

59. ‑ῑβ‑: ἐρυθῑβη.

60. ‑ῑγ-: μαστῑγ‑, πεμφιγ‑.

61. -ιγγ/κ/χ‑: ἄστλιγγας, βρυτιγγοί, ἔλμιγγος, θρίγγος (also ‑ιγκ‑, ‑ιγχ‑), θῶμιγξ, ‑γγος, ὄλιγγος.

62. ‑ῑδ‑ (cf. ‑ινδ‑, Fur. 3247): βαλβίς, γελγίς, κηλίς, κρηπίς, σφρᾱγίς.

63. ‑ιδ‑να (probably a combination of two suffixes, cf. on ‑ν‑): ἀράχιδνα (cf. ἄρακος, ‑χ‑).

64. ‑ῑθ‑, ‑ιθ‑ (cf. ‑ινδ‑): ἄγλις, ‑ῑθ‑, αἰγιθαλος, αἰγιθος, γάλιθοι, ἠλίθιος, κάλιθος.

65. ‑ικ‑ (cf. ‑ιχ‑, Fur. 226102): κάλικον, κύρνικα, λέ(ί)κρικα, μυρίκη (later ῑ), νώρικον, σώσικες.

65a ‑ῑκ-: Φοίνικες.

66. ‑ιλ‑, ‑ῑλ‑: αἰγίλωψ, κονί̄λη, μέσπιλον, μαρίλη, μυστί̄λη, (σ)πατίλη (‑ῑλ‑) = παστίλη, στρόβῑλος. TN Σκανδίλη (Cos).

67. ‑ιλλ‑α/ο-: ἄργιλλος, ἅμιλλα, ἄριλλα, ἄσιλλα, ῥόβιλλος.

68. ‑ιμν‑α/ο- (Fur. 24671): μέδιμνος (also ‑ί‑), μέριμνα, σίδριμνον.

69. ‑ιν‑α/ο-: ἄκινος, ἀπόλινον, (βα)βάκινον, γοσσύπινον, κότινος, ὀξίνα. TN Μύρινα (Lemnos), Σίκινος (Cyclades).

70. ‑ῑν‑(ο‑): κύμινον, πυτίνη, ῥητίνη, σέλινον, φοξῖνος, φορίνη. TN Σαλαμῑ́ν‑.

71. ‑ινδ‑ (cf. ‑ινθ‑ and ‑ιδ‑, ‑ιτ‑): κύβινδις, ἄλινδον. TN Κραυσίνδων (R), Πύρινδος (Caria).

72. ‑ινθ‑(ο‑) (cf. ‑ινδ‑): αἴγινθος, ἀσπίνθιον, λαβύρινθος, λίμινθες. TN Κήρινθος (Euboea), Κόρινθος (Fick 74).

72a. ‑ιξ-: κοτίξις, κυνίξεις, σόρνιξα.

72b. ‑ῑπ-ο-: TN Εὔρῑπος.

73. ‑ισ‑α/ο-: ἄρπισα (‑εζα), κύτισος. TN Λάρισα, Κεδρισός, Κηφισός (-ῑσος = ‑ισσος, Fick 25, 61).

73a. ‑ισκ-ο-: ἀλθίσκον, ἴβισκος, μαρίσκος, ὑρίσκος (and variants).

74. ‑ιτ‑α/ο- (cf. ‑ιδ‑, ‑ιθ‑, Fur. 163): βάρβιτος, βόλ(β)ιτον, πόρφιτον. TN Σύβριτα (Crete).

75. ‑ιχ‑ (cf. ‑ικ‑): ἄρσιχος.

76. ‑κν‑ (probably a combination of ‑ν‑ with a preceding consonant; see sub 78 on ‑ν‑): ἄβαρκνα, δορύκνιον, πισάκνα, φιδάκνη.

77. ‑μ-: TN Λάτμος (Caria), Πάτμος.

78. ‑ν‑ (Fur. 13265), where a preceding velar may become aspirated: ἀράχνη, δαυχνα‑, κέρκνος, κύδνος, κυλίχνιον, πελίχνη, σαταρνίς, ὕτνον / ὕδνον, ψύδνος; Κάβαρνος. TN Κύθνος (Cyclades).

79 ‑οξ- (cf. ‑ιξ‑): μοροξός (also ‑χθ‑).

80. ‑οπ‑ (Fur. 107), often there is a variant with ‑αβ‑: ἔλ(λ)οψ, καλαῦροψ, ‑πος (‑όφις), κόλλοψ, σκάλοψ. TN Κορόπη (Thess.), Κασσιόπη (Corc.).

81. ‑ορ‑ (see also the section on word end): ἄχορα (‑υρα), λέπορις.

82. ‑οσσ-α, ‑οττ-α: TN ‘Ερμώνοσσα (Chios), Ἀζιοττηνος (Lydia).

83. ‑ουλ-: φασίουλος (-ωλος)?

84. ‑ουρ‑ (may contine ‑arw‑): ἴνδουρος, κάβουρος, λιγγούριον (also λο‑, λυ‑), παλίουρος, πάνδουρα, σάγουρον, τάγχουρος. TN Λυκόσουρα (Arc., the oldest town of all; Fick: 93).

85. ‑ουσ(σ)- (Fur. 19755): ἄγχουσα (also ἔ‑), αἴθουσ(σ)α (also αἴδωσσα), κάδουσα. TN Ἀκίδουσα, Κηλοῦσα (M Κήλωσσα).

86. ‑πν‑ (this may rather be a suffix ‑ν‑ after a root): θεράπνη, ὄμπνη.

87. ‑πτ‑ (this suffix probably consisted of one phoneme py): μαρυπτόν, πέσσυ(μ)πτον, σάναπτιν.

88. ‑ρ‑ (Fur. 12437; 21562): βάλαγρος, γήλιγρος, σίγραι; Ἰδαγρος (= Lyc. idãkre?). See also the suffixes ‑ρν‑, ‑ργ‑ and ‑γρ‑.

89. ‑ργ‑: λάθαργος (also ‑αι‑, ‑η‑).

90. ‑ρδ-: TN Κύαρδα (Caria).

91. ‑ρν‑ (Fur. 48126, 21562): ἀκαρνάν (ἀκάρναξ), κυβερνάω, λιπερνέω (also λιφ‑), σκέπαρνος. We also find variants without ‑ν‑: σίσυρνα / σίσυρα, κυβερνάω / κυμερῆναι, σαταρνίδες / σαταρίδες, κίσιρνις / κίσσιρις. Therefore, the cluster probably arose by addition of the suffix ‑ν‑. Νote that ‑rn‑ is found in Etruscan and already in Cappadocian (Fur. 48126). See also the suffix ‑ρ‑. TN Φαλάσαρνα (Crete), Λέρνα, Ἁλίκυρνα (Aet.).

92. ‑σα: There are several words in ‑σα: δέψα, δίψα, κόψα (κοψία), κάψα (κάμψα), perhaps λάψα.

93. ‑σκ‑: ὑρίσκος (-χ‑, ‑σσ‑).

94. ‑σ‑ (Fur. 25427, in several cases this does not seem to be a suffix, but rather the end of a root; cf. on ‑ασ‑, ‑ισ‑, ‑υσ‑): ἄλσος, κάβαισος (also ‑ασ‑), μύσος, πῖσος, φάρσος. TN Πρίανσος (Crete).

95. ‑σσ‑: κύπασσις, κυπάρισσος, σάρισσα.

96. ‑στ‑: ἀλάβαστος, θεμιστ‑ (cf. Myc. temitija / timitija), λεπαστή, πλατάνιστος. TN Κάρυστος, Φαιστός.

97. ‑στρ- (cf. ‑θρ‑): ἀλάβαστρον, δέπαστρον (also λ‑), ἔνυστρον (also ἤ‑), ζύγαστρον, λαι(σ)τρόν, σίγιστρον.

98. ‑τ‑: ἄσφαλτος, ἄτρακτος, ἄφλαστον.

99. ‑ττ‑ (see 5.5 on ττ / σσ): κυριττοί, προκόττα; Φέρεφαττα.

100. ‑υβ‑: ἔντυβον, θόρυβος, ἴντυβος (also ‑ουβ‑), σίλλυβος, σκόλυβος (also ‑μ‑), σκολύβρα (‑οβ‑); cf. ὀχθοιβός.

101. ‑υγγ‑: λάρυγξ, πί̄συγγος, σπῆλυγγ‑, φάρυγξ.

102. ‑υδ‑: ἀμύς, ‑δος, ἐμύς, κορυδός, πηλαμύς, χλαμύς.

103. ‑υδνα: TN Καλυδνά (Cos).

104. ‑υθ‑, ‑ῡθ‑: ἀγνῡ́ς, λήκυθος.

105. ‑υι‑α: ἄγυια, κώδυια; Ἅρπυια. TN Κινδυία (Crete, also Κινδύη, Fick 18, 24).

106. ‑υκ‑: ἄμπυξ, ἴδυξ, σκαρδάμυκτος. TN Νᾶρυξ (Locris).

107. ‑ῡκ‑: δοῖδυξ, κῆρυξ, ‑υκος, καρύκ(κ)η, σάνδυξ.

108. ‑υλ‑ (Fur. 20514): ἀρβύλη, δάκτυλος, κανθύλη, κρωβύλη, μιμαίκυλον (also με‑), σφόνδυλος (also σπ‑).

109. ‑ῡλ-: (σ)κορδύλη, σφονδύλη (also σπ‑). TN Καρδαμύλη (Mess.).

110. ‑υλλ-: Σίβυλλα.

111. ‑υμ‑: γέρσυμον, γίγγλυμος, ‑θέλυμνος. TN Κάρυμαι (Crete).

112. ‑υμβ‑: ἴθυμβος, κόλυμβος.

113. ‑υμν‑ (cf. Fur. 24366 on ‑umn‑ in Etruscan and Cappadocian): αἰσυμνάω, σίγυμνος. TN Ῥίτ/θυμνα (Crete), Λάρυμνα (Locr.).

114. ‑ῡν‑ (see also the suffix ‑υνν‑): βόθυνος, σιγύνη (cf. ‑υνν‑), λάγυνος. TN Γόρτυν (Crete).

115. ‑υνν‑: σίγυννος, Δίκτυννα. Cf. on ‑ῡν‑.

116. ‑υνδ‑ (cf. ‑υνθ / τ‑): Βερεκύνδαι. TN Καμύνδιος (Rhodes).

117. ‑υνθ/τ‑: βόλυνθον, ὄλυνθος; Βερεκύνθ/ται. TN Ζάκυνθος (+88), Τίρυνς.

118. ‑υξ-: TN Ὀλόφυξος (Athos).

119. ‑υπ‑: ἵσσυπος (older ὕσσωπος), μάρσυππος, οἰσύπη, τολύπη.

120. ‑υρ‑: ἀήσυρος, ἄχυρα (also ‑ορα), ζέφυρος, μαυκυρόν, λάθυρος, ὀνυρίζεται, σατύρος. TN  Ἔλυρος (Crete), Τέγυρα (Boeotia), Nίσυρος (Cos).

121. ‑ῡρ‑: ἄγκυρα, ἀνάγυρος (also ὀνό‑), γέφῡρα, λάφυρον, πλημυρίς, πίτυρον.

122. ‑υσ‑ (on ‑υστρον see ‑στρον): ἄρυσος.

123. ‑υτ-: πινυτός, νηπύτιος. TN Λαγινάπυτον (Crete), Κολλυτός (Crete).

124. ‑υφ-: κέλῡφος.

125. ‑υχ‑: βό(σ)τρυχος. TN Μόσυχλον (Lemnos).

126. ‑φθ‑: κροσσόφθον, λάκαφθον, μόλοφθος, νά(σ)καφθον, σαρρυφθεῖν.

127. ‑φ‑ (on ‑αφ‑ο‑ see Chantraine Form. 263): ἀργέλοφοι (also ‑ιλ‑), μαστροφός (also ‑πός), σέριφος, σέσυφος.

128. ‑ωκ-: TN Κοθωκίδαι (Att., Fick 70).

129. ‑ωλ‑: ἀποφώλιος (?), φάσκωλος. TN Κίμωλος (Cyclades).

130. ‑ωμ‑: βάρωμος.

131. ‑ων‑ (Fur. 30339): ἀλκυών, ἠιών, σανδών, σινδών, σχαδών.

132. ‑ωπ‑ (a variant is ‑ουπ‑): θυμαλωψ, αἰγίλωπ‑, κινώπετον (κυνοῦπες). TN Εὐρωπός / α (Crete), Κασσώπη (Epirus).

133. ‑ωρ‑ (Fur. 21150): ἀχώρ, ἀμάνωρ, βιάτωρ, ῑ̓χώρ, λείτωρ. TN Πίλωρος (Chalc., Fick 22).

134. ‑ωσσ (see ‑ουσ(σ)‑): TN Διρφωσσός (Euboea), Πιδωσσός (Caria, Fick 26).

135. ‑ωτ‑ (Fur. 28383; 384132): ἀσκαλαβώτης, ‑καυδωτόν, κῑβωτός, κράμβωτον, οἰσπώτη. TN Θεσπρωτοί.

3. Word end   

Word end provides an interesting situation, as some original finals of the Pre‑Greek language may have been preserved. Of course, Greek endings must be removed, notably ‑ος, ‑ον. Thus, ‑ιον, ‑υον may often continue original ‑ι, ‑υ: cf. Myc. dunijo next to duni. The words in ‑νθος have replaced almost all of those in ‑νθ- (as in Τίρυνθ‑).

3.1. words ending in a vowel

a. ‑α. A short ‑α can only come from *‑ya < *-ih2 in inherited Greek words. In all other cases, we may be dealing with a Pre‑Greek ending ‑a that was originally short. It is often difficult to see whether ‑α is short or long; the material requires further study. Examples: ἄβαρκνα, ἀγάννα, ἀγέρδα, ἄδαλτα (?), αἴκουδα, ἄβδηρα, ἄκαρα, ἄκορ-να, ἀκόστιλα, ἀκτάρα, ἄλαρα, ἀμουχρά, ἄρδα, ἀσταγάνα, ἄφθα, βρούκα, γόδα, γόλα, δάξα, δάρδα, δαλάγχα, θάπτα, μόδα, ῥόμιξα, σάττα, σόρνιξα, σοῦα, κέδροπα (also χ‑), etc. Note forms in ‑υα, like ἄρυα, and in ‑εννα. Note, further, σαλαμάνδρα, σκολόπενδρα.

     For words ending in ‑σα, see the list of suffixes.


b. ‑ι. IE words (neuters) in ‑ι are very rare in Greek. Examples of Pre-Greek words in ‑ι: ζάκτι, κόρι, σίναπι, τάγυρι (ταγύριον), ἀκαρί. We may assume that many words ending in ‑ιον, ‑υον originally ended in ‑ι, ‑υ. Final ‑ις is frequent, too.


c. ‑υ. ἀβαρύ, κόνδυ, μῶλυ. For ‑υον, see the foregoing. Final ‑υς is also found several times: ἄγδυς, ἄρπυς, ἀτράφαξυς, βίθυν, βλέτυς, ‑μένδυς, μίμαρκυς, μωύς, πηλαμύς, ῥάπυς.


d. ‑ευς. Though the ending may also be inherited from IE, in many words it is clearly of Pre‑Greek origin, e.g. βασιλεύς (Myc. qa-si-re-u), Ἀχιλ(λ)εύς. I withdraw my considerations in FS Kortlandt on this point.


e. ‑ω. κοθώ, κόρθω, μοτώ, τῑτώ, Γελλώ. The suffix also makes feminine names in ‑ώ: Λητώ, Σαπφώ. It is usually assumed that the original inflection of all words in ‑ώ derives from stems in *-oi-; I assume that Pre-Greek words secondarily joined this inflection. Words in ‑ως are masculine: ἀχαρνώ(ς), ἥρως; Μίνως, Τάλως.

3.2. words ending in ‑ρ

a. ‑αρ. ἄσαρ(ον)?, ἀκχάνταρ, βάκαρ, ἐλίμαρ, κύδαρ, νέκταρ, νῶκαρ, σελίαρ.


b. ‑ορ. Examples: ἀδιγόρ, ἀκκόρ, κακκόρ, κέμμορ (also ‑μπ‑), πίσορ.


c. ‑υρ. Examples: ψίθυρ, (Dor.) μάρτυρ.


d. ‑ωρ. Examples: ἄχωρ, ἰχώρ, κέλωρ, ψόθωρ.

3.3. words with a nom. in ‑ξ or ‑ψ.

a. ‑ξ (stem in ‑κ‑) is found quite often:

     ‑αξ: ἄβαξ, ἀκάρναξ, ἄμβαξ, ἀνδράφαξ, ἄνθραξ, βύσταξ, μάλβαξ, σαῦσαξ. ἄναξ has a stem in ‑κτ‑. 

     ‑ᾱξ: φέναξ, ῥάξ, σφήξ

     ‑ηξ: δάνδηξ, βήρηξ

     ‑ιξ: ἄδδιξ, ἀνθέριξ, ἀπρίξ, κόλιξ, ἄρπιξ

     ‑οξ: βέβροξ, βίρροξ

     ‑ουξ: βρούξ

     ‑υξ: βλίτυξ, γόρτυξ; Πνύξ, Στύξ.


     Note acc. βάλλεκα; acc. βρίγκα.


b. ‑ψ: λάτραψ, λαῖλαψ, ἄλιψ, κόριψ, αἰγίποψ, κόλλοψ, μέροψ, γύψ, μόνωψ.
          Monosyllabic: χρέμψ.


4. words in ‑ν: βαλλήν, καρβάν; Ωγήν. κίνδυν, μόσσυν, ῥώθυνες.


5. words ending in ‑ας (ᾱ‑stems): ἀβάς, ἄβλας, ἄθρας(?), ἀμφίας, ἀσκαλώπας, ἀσκωνδας, ἀτταγᾶς, βαδάς (βατᾶς), βασκᾶς, βύας, καλαβάς, κασᾶς; Ἀθάμας, Ἀσγελατας.

     With a stem in ‑αντ‑: ἀλίβας (-ντ‑), λυκάβας (‑ντ‑) etc.; see the suffix section.

     With stem in αδ‑: ἀχράς, βουνιάς, πρημνάς; see the suffix section.

D. The unity of Pre-Greek               

The material itself shows that we are largely dealing with one language, or a group of closely related dialects or languages. Of course, we cannot demonstrate in each and every case that the words that are non‑Greek belong to this same language. The bulk of the known non‑Greek words, however, seem to fit the general picture of the Pre-Greek substrate. For example, κότθυβος / κόσυμβος does not only show the element σσ / τθ, well‑known from geographical names, but also the suffix ‑υβ‑ with prenasalization. The pair κρόσσιον / κρότιον also shows the element σσ / τ, but κρόσσοφθον has a suffix added that is also typical for this language. The word δαλάγχαν next to θάλασσα (‑ττα) again has the suffix σσ / ττ, but also prenasalization. ἄστλιγξ / ὄστλιγξ has both the typical (prenasalized) suffix ‑ιγγ‑ and variation α / ο. In μήρινθος / σμήρινθος we have the ‘s‑mobile’ and the well known suffix, while μέρμις, ‑ιθος has the variant without prenasalization, and σμήριγγες has a different Pre‑Greek suffix. In ἄ(μ)βρυττοι / βρύττος (βρύσσος) we have a combination of a prothetic vowel and prenasalization.

     Other languages may well have existed in the area. Thus, it is not certain that Hieroglyphic Minoan reproduces the same language as Linear A. Further, Eteocretan has not yet been connected with other elements and seems isolated.

     Another matter is that (non‑Indo‑European) loanwords from old Europe may have entered Greece, cf. Beekes 2000: 21‑31. Moreover, these may have already been adopted in Pre‑Greek, as is suggested by ἐρέβινθος, which has a Pre-Greek suffix, but a root which is attested (with some variation) in other European languages. Sometimes, elements from other IE languages may also have been adopted at a very early date, such as πέλεκυς.

     However, I think that it is methodologically more sound to start from the assumption that non‑Greek words are Pre‑Greek. Only when there is reason to assume that they have a different origin, should we consider this option.

E. Pre-Greek is non-Indo-European

Our knowledge of Indo-European has expanded so much, especially in the last thirty years (notably because of the laryngeal theory) that in some cases we can say almost with certainty that an Indo-European reconstruction is impossible. A good example is the word γνάθος. In order to explain the ‑a- of this word, we need to introduce a h2. However, a preform *gnh2dh- would have given Gr. *γνᾱθ‑. One might think that assuming *h2e would remedy the problem, but *gnh2edh- would yield *γαναθ‑. The conclusion is that no Indo-European proto-form can be reconstructed, and that the word cannot be of Indo-European origin. Another example is the word κρημνός ‘overhanging bank’, for which a connection with κρέμαμαι ‘to hang (up)’ used to be evident. However, we now know that most long vowels go back to a short vowel plus a laryngeal, and that long vowels cannot be postulated at random. In this particular case, there are simply no conceivable formations that would contain a long root vowel. This morphological objection is strengthened by the fact that there is no trace of the expected root-final ‑α- < *-h2- (as in κρεμαμαι < *kremh2‑). Positively, one can say that landscape terms are frequently borrowed from a substrate language. The inevitable conclusion is that the word is Pre-Greek.

[1] Since Kuiper was my supervisor as well, I was acquainted with the book from the very beginning (see my review in Lingua 36, 1975).

[2] Note that Furnée often adduces new material that is not mentioned in the current etymological dictionaries, mostly glosses from Hesychius.

[3] A point for further study is to establish how far to the east such related names can be found. It is my impression that these names can be found as far south as Cilicia.

[4] Of course, it could be due to the fact that a different distinction was present in Pre-Greek (like fortis / lenis, found in most Anatolian languages), but no obvious distribution pointing in this direction can be discerned in the material.

[5] Note that I distinguish between palatals of Pre-Greek origin, which are indicated by a superscript y (e.g. ky), and palatovelars of Indo-European origin.

[6] Although I assume that voice was not distinctive in Pre-Greek, I do write d- in this case, because only δ- surfaces in Greek. We must avoid losing information present in the Greek forms. Thus, my notation of Pre-Greek forms is heuristic to a certain degree, and not always consistent with the phonemic system I tentatively reconstruct here.

[7] On prenasalization, see B5.2. below. As an alternative, an Indo-European etymology starting with the root *h2emgh- ‘to tie, betroth’, can be offered; see the dictionary (although I prefer the analysis given here).

[8] We also have to recall the instances of κχ, πφ, τθ (see above).

[9] Since the word ψιττάκιον / πιστάκιον ‘pistachio’ is probably an oriental loanword, there are no good examples for an interchange σσ / στ.

[10] I have some difficulty with Furnée’s section XI (Fur. 323-329). My conclusion is that a variation C / Cσ cannot be proven, although some instances remain difficult to explain otherwise.

Etymological Dictionary of Greek


A. Book abbreviations
BqÉmile BoisacqDictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque étudiée dans ses rapports avec les autres langues indo-européennes, Heidelberg-Paris, 1907-1916.
Del.3Eduard SchwyzerDialectorum graecarum exempla epigraphica potiora. Leipzig, 1923.
DELGPierre ChantraineDictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque: histoire des mots (terminé par O. Masson, J.-L. Perpillou, J. Taillardat, avec le concours de F. Bader, J. Irigoin, D. Lecco, P. Monteil, sous la dir. de M. Lejeune). Paris, 1968-1980.
DELG Supp.Idem. Nouvelle édition avec, en supplément, les Chroniques d’étymologie grecque (1-10), rassemblées par Alain Blanc, Charles de Lamberterie et Jean-Louis Perpillou. Paris, 2009.
DKPDer kleine Pauly. Lexikon der Antike. Auf der Grundlage von Pauly’s Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgelehrter bearb. und hrsg. von Konrat Ziegler und Walther Sontheimer. 5 vols. Stuttgart, 1964-1975.
DNPHubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider (eds.)Der neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der Antike. Das klassische Altertum und seine Rezeptionsgeschichte. Stuttgart, 2003.
E-MAlfred Ernout and Antoine MeilletDictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine: histoire des mots. 4ème éd., 4ème tirage augmenté d’additions et de corrections nouvelles par Jacques André. Paris, 1985.
EIECJames P. Mallory and Douglas Q. Adams (eds.)Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. London etc., 1997.
FriskHjalmar FriskGriechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. 3 vols. Heidelberg, 1960-73.
Fur.Edzard J.: FurnéeDie wichtigsten konsonantischen Erscheinungen des Vorgriechischen. Mit einem Appendix über den Vokalismus. Den Haag, 1972.
ICSOlivier MassonLes inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques. Paris, 1961.
IGInscriptiones Graecae, consilio et auctoritate Academiae Litterarum Regiae Borussicae editae. Berlin, 1873‑.
LatteLatteKurt (ed.), Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon. Kopenhagen, 1953‑.
LfgrELexikon des frühgriechischen Epos. Bruno Snell et al (eds.). Göttingen, 1955‑.
LIVHelmut Rix and Martin Joachim Kümmel (eds.)Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Wiesbaden2, 2002.
LSJA Greek-English lexicon, compiled by Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott; revised and augmented throughout by Henry Stuart Jones with the assistance of Roderick McKenzie, and with the co-operation of many scholars. Oxford, 19779.
LSJ Supp.A Greek-English lexicon: revised supplement, edited by P.G.W. Glare, with the assistance of A.A. Thompson. Oxford, 1996.
Pok.Julius PokornyIndogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Bern, 1949-1959.
PWAugust Friedrich Pauly and Georg WissowaPaulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart, 1896ff.
SchwyzerEduard SchwyzerGriechische Grammatik: auf der Grundlage von Karl Brugmanns Griechischer Grammatik. Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft Tl. 1, Bd. 1. München, 1939.
SEGSupplementum epigraphicum graecum. Leiden/Amsterdam, 1923‑.
SGDIFriedrich Bechtel et al.Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften. Hrsg. von Hermann Collitz. Göttingen, 1884-1915.
WHAlois Walde and Johann Baptist HofmannLateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg, 1930-1954.
WPAlois Walde and Julius PokornyVergleichendes Wörterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen. Berlin, 1927.

B. Journal abbreviations
AALAnnual of Armenian Linguistics
ABäGAmsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik
Acta Ant. Acad. Hungar.Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Acta Or.Acta Orientalia
AfPArchiv für Papyrusforschung
AIONAION-L = Annali dell’Istituto Orientali di Napoli. Sezione linguistica
AJAAmerican Journal of Archaeology
AmJPh.American Journal of Philology
Ann. Serv. Ant. ÉgypteAnnales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte
Ann.PisaAnnali della Scuola normale superiore di Pisa
Ant. class.L’antiquité classique
AAHGAnzeiger fur die Altertumswissenschaft. Hrsg. von der Osterreichischen Humanistischen Gesellschaft
Anz. AltWiss.Anzeiger für die Altertumswissenschaft
Ἀρχ. Δελτ.Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον
Ἀρχ. Ἐφ.Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερίς
Arch. f. Orientforsch.Archiv für Orientforschung
Arch. f. Religionswiss.Archiv für Religionswissenschaft
Arch. glott. ital.Archivio glottologico italiano
Arch. Or.Archiv Orientální
Arch. slav. Phil.Archiv für Slavische Philologie
Archiv. Linguist.Archivum Linguisticum
Arkiv f. nord. fil.Arkiv för nordisk filologi
Ath. Mitt.Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Athenische Abteilung
BAGBBulletin de l’association Guillaume Budé
BBBeiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen
BCHBulletin de correspondance hellénique (Paris)
Beitr. z. Namenforsch.Beiträge zur Namenforschung
Berl.Ak.Sb.Sitzungsberichte der deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Philosophisch-historische Klasse
BICSBulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London
BiOr.Bibliotheca Orientalis
BNFBeiträge zur Namenforschung
Boll. fil. class.Bollettino di filologia classica
BPhWBerliner philologische Wochenschrift
BSLBulletin de la Societé Linguistique de Paris
BSOASBulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
ByzZByzantinische Zeitschrift
CEGA. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque.
CEG 1 CEG 1, 1996A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 70.1 (1996) 103ff.
CEG 2 CEG 2, 1997A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 71.1 (1997) 147ff.
CEG 3 CEG 3, 1998A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 72.1 (1998) 117ff.
CEG 4 CEG 4, 1999A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 73.1 (1999) 79-108
CEG 5 CEG 5, 2000A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 74.1 (2000) 257-286
CEG 6 CEG 6, 2001A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 75.1 (2001) 131-162
CEG 7 CEG 7, 2002A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 76.1 (2002) 113-142
CEG 8 CEG 8, 2003A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 77.1 (2003) 111-140
CEG 9 CEG 9, 2004A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 78.1 (2004) 155-179
CEG 10 CEG 10, 2005A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 79.1 (2005) 159-193
CEG 11 CEG 11, 2006A. BlancCh. de Lamberterie and J.-L. Perpillou, Chronique d’étymologie grecque. RPh. 80.2 (2006) 339-369
Class. et Med.Classica et Mediaevalia
Class. Quart.Classical Quarterly
Class. Journ.The Classical Journal
Class. Phil.Classical Philology
Class. Rev.Classical Review
Comm. Aenip.Commentationes Aenipontanae
CRAIComptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres
Curtius StudienStudien zur Griechischen und Lateinischen Grammatik/Leipziger Studien zur classischen Philologie
DLZDeutsche Literaturzeitung für Kritik der internationalen Wissenschaft
Ep. Et. Byz.Epetiris Etairias Vyzantinon Spoudon
Ét. celt.Études celtiques
Ét. class.Études classiques
GGAGöttingische gelehrte Anzeigen
GHÅGoteborgs Hogskola Årsskrift
GLECSComptes rendus du Groupe Linguistique d’études Chamito-Sémitiques
Gött. Abh.Gött. Nachr. = Abhandlungen/ Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen
Gr. Rom. Byz. St.GreekRoman and Byzantine Studies
HelikonHelikon. Rivista di tradizione e cultura classica
Herm.Hermes. Zeitschrift für klassische Philologie
HSPh.Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
HZHistorische Zeitschrift
Idg. Jb.Indogermanisches Jahrbuch
IFIndogermanische Forschungen
IF Anz.Indogermanische ForschungenAnzeiger
IIJIndo-Iranian Journal
IJDLLRInternational Journal for Diachronic Linguistics and Linguistic Reconstruction
Inc. ling.Incontri linguistici
J. Egypt. Arch.Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
Jahresh. d. Osterr. Arch. Inst.Jahreshefte des Österreichischen archäologischen Instituts in Wien
JANERJournal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions
JAOSJournal of the American Oriental Society
Jb. d. deut. arch. Inst.Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts
Jb. f. kleinas. Forsch. Jahrbuch für kleinasiatische Forschung
JHSJournal of Hellenic Studies
JIESJournal of Indo‑European Studies.
Journal of Phil.Journal of Philology
KZZeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete des Deutschen, Griechischen und Lateinischen (“Kuhns Zeitschift”); from 23 (1875/77) onwards, “Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen” (ZVS); from 82 (1968) onwards, “Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung” (ZVS); from 101 (1988) onwards, “Historische Sprachforschung” (HS)
LALIESActes des sessions de linguistique et de littérature
LAMACentre de recherches comparatives sur les langues de la Méditerranée ancienne
Leipz. Stud.Leipziger Studien zur klassischen Philologie
Ling. Balkan.Linguistique Balkanique
Ling. Posn.Lingua Posnaniensis
Listy filol.Listy filologické
Mél. Univ. St. JosephMélanges de l’université St. Joseph (Beyrouth)
MKNAWMededelingen der Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeling Letterkunde
MondOr.Le Monde Oriental
MSLMemoires de la Societé Linguistique de Paris
MSSMünchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft
MUMorphologische Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiet der indogermanischen Sprachen
Mus. Helv.Museum Helveticum
N. Jb. f. d. klass. AltertumNeue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum
NOWELENorth‑Western European Language Evolution
NTSNorsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap
OLZOrientalistische Literaturzeitung
Par. del pass.La parola del passato (Napoli)
PBBeitr.Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur
Philol. Stud.Philologische Studiën (Leuven)
PhWPhilologische Wochenschrift
Quad. UrbinatiQuaderni urbinati di cultura classica
REARevue des études anciennes
REArm.Revue des études armeniennes
REGr.Revue des études grecques
REIERevue des études indo-européennes
RELat.Revue des études latines
Rend. Acc. Linc.Rendiconti della Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche
RESlav.Revue des études slaves
Rev. arch.Revue archeologique
Rev. belge de phil.Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire
Rev. celt.Revue celtique
Rev. Hitt. As.Revue hittite et asianique
RFICRivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica
RhMRheinisches Museum
Ric. ling.Ricerche LinguisticheBolletino dell’ Istituto di Glottologia dell Universitá de Roma
RILomb.Rendiconti del Reale Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere
Riv. degli stud. or.Rivista degli studi orientali
Riv. fil. class.Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica
RPh.Revue de philologiede litterature et d’histoire anciennes
Sächs. Abh. and Sächs. Ber.Abhandlungen (Berichte) der sächsischen Gesellschaft (Akademie) der Wissenschaften
SCauc.Studia Caucasica
SIIStudien zur Indologie und Iranistik
SMEAStudi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
SpracheDie Sprache
SSLStudi e Saggi Linguistici
Stud. ital. fil. class.Studi italiani di filologia classica
Symb. Oslo.Symbolae Osloenses
TPSTransactions of the Philological Society
TAPATransactions (and Proceedings) of the American Philological Association
Welt des OrientsDie Welt des Orients: wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Kunde des Morgenlandes
Wien. Ak. Abh.Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien
Wien. Ak. Anz.Akademischer AnzeigerAkademie der Wissenschaften in Wien
Wien. Ak. Sb.Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien
Wiener Stud.Wiener Studien
Würzb. Jb.Würzburger Jahrbücher für die Altertumswissenschaft
WuSWörter und Sachen
WZHalleWissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Gesellschafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe
WZKMWiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes
WZKSWiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens
ZDMGZeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft
Zeitschr. f. celt. Phil.Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie
Zeitschr. f. Phon.Zeitschrift für Phonologie, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommuni-kationsforschung
Zeitschr. f. slav. Phil.Zeitschrift für slavische Philologie
ZfdAZeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur
ZIIZeitschrift für Indologie und Iranistik
Z̄iva Ant.Živa Antika. Antiquité vivante
Z(O)NFZeitschrift fur (Orts)namenforschung
ZPEZeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik
ZRPh.Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie
Zs. f. ägypt. Spr.Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde
ZVSZeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft

C. Books and articles in books
Ačaṙyan 1937AčaṙyanHrač‘ya Hakobi 1937: De l’affinité du grec et de l’arménien, in: Mélanges Emile Boisacq. Bruxelles, 3-4.
Ačaṙyan 1977AčaṙyanHrač‘ya Hakobi 1977: Hayeren armatakan baṙaran 3. Erevan2.
Adams 1999Adams, Douglas Q.A dictionary of Tocharian B. Amsterdam-Atlanta. 1999
Adontz 1937AdontzN. 1937: Quelques étymologies armeniennes, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq. Bruxelles, 5-27.
Alessio 1955AlessioG. 1955: Le lingue indo-europee nell’ambiente mediterrano. Bari.
Amandry 1950AmandryPierre 1950: La mantique apollinienne à Delphes: essai sur le fonctionnement de l’oracle. Paris.
Amigues 1989AmiguesSuzanne 1989: Théophraste: Recherches sur les plantes. Texte établi et trad. par Suzanne Amigues, vol. II. Paris.
Ammann 1956AmmannHermann 1956: Zum griechischen Verbaladjektiv auf -τός, in: Kronasser 1956(1): 10-23.
André 1949AndréJacques 1949: Études sur les termes de couleur dans la langue latine. Diss. Paris.
André 1956AndréJacques 1956: Lexique des termes de botanique en latin. Paris.
André 1958AndréJacques 1958: Notes de lexicographie botanique grecque. Paris.
André 1961AndréJacques 1961: L’alimentation et la cuisine à Rome. Paris.
André 1967AndréJacques 1967: Les noms d’oiseaux en latin. Paris.
André 1985AndréJacques 1985: Les noms de plantes dans la Rome antique. Paris.
Anreiter et al. (eds.)AnreiterPeter et al. (eds.) 1998: Man and the animal world: studies in archaeozoology, archaeology, anthropology and palaeolinguistics, in memoriam Sándor Bökönyi. Budapest.
Anttila 1969AnttilaRaimo 1969: Proto-Indo-European Schwebeablaut. Berkeley.
Aravantinos, Godart & Sacconi 2002AravantinosVassilis L., Louis Godart and Anna Sacconi 2002: Thèbes: fouilles de la Cadmée. Pisa etc.
Arbenz 1933ArbenzCarl 1933: Die Adjektive auf -ιμος. Zürich.
Armini et al. (eds.)ArminiHarry et al. (eds.) 1936: Apophoreta Gotoburgensia Vilelmo Lundström oblata. Göteborg.
Aura Jorro 1985-1993Aura JorroFrancisco 1985-1993: Diccionario micénico. Madrid.
Autran 1938AutranCharles 1938: Homère et les origines sacerdotales de l’épopée grecque, 2 vols. Paris.
Aymard 1935AymardAndré 1935: Le Zeus fédéral achaien Hamarios-Homarios, in: Berthelot (ed.): 453-470.
Aymard et al. (eds.)AymardAndré et al. (eds.) 1966: Mélanges d’archéologie, d’épigraphie et d’histoire, offerts à Jérôme Carcopino. Paris.
Bader 1965BaderFrançoise 1965: Les composés grecs du type de demiourgos. Paris.
Bader 1994BaderFrançoise 1994: Langues indo-européennes. Paris.
Bader et al. (eds.)BaderFrançoise et al. (eds.) 1972: Mélanges de linguistique et de philologie grecques: offerts à Pierre Chantraine. Paris.
Bailey 1985BaileyHarold W. 1985: Indo-Scythian studies being Khotanese texts, Volume 7. Cambridge.
Balles 2007BallesIrene 2007: A Greek laryngeal metathesis that needn’t be either..., in: Nussbaum (ed.): 15-24.
Bammesberger (ed.)BammesbergerAlfred (ed.) 1988: Die Laryngaltheorie und die Rekonstruktion des indogermanischen Laut- und Formensystems. Heidelberg.
Bammesberger and Vennemann 2004BammesbergerAlfred and Theo Vennemann (eds.) 2004: Languages in prehistoric Europe. Heidelberg.
Barb 1969BarbAlphons A. 1969: Lapis Adamas – Der Blutstein, in: Bibauw 1969: 66-82.
Barnhart 1988BarnhartRobert J. (ed.) 1988: The Barnhart dictionary of etymology. Bronx (NY).
Barrett 1964BarrettWilliam Spencer 1964: Euripides, Hippolytos, edited with Introduction and Commentary by W.S. Barrett. Oxford.
Bartholomae 1895BartholomaeChristian 1895: Grundriß der iranischen Philologie 1. Strassburg.
Bauer 1910BauerWalter 1910: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testaments und der übrigen urchristlichen Literatur. Berlin.
Baunack and Baunack 1886BaunackJohannes and Baunack, Theodor 1886: Studien auf dem Gebiete des griechischen und der arischen Sprachen 1. Leipzig.
Bechtel 1898BechtelFriedrich 1898: Die einstämmigen männlichen Personennamen des Griechischen, die aus Spitznamen hervorgegangen sind. Berlin.
Bechtel 1914BechtelFriedrich 1914: Lexilogus zu Homer: Etymologie und Stammbildung homerischer Wörter. Halle an der Saale.
Bechtel 1917aBechtelFriedrich 1917a: Namenstudien. Halle an der Saale.
Bechtel 1917bBechtelFriedrich 1917b: Die historischen Personennamen des Griechischen bis zur Kaiserzeit. Halle an der Saale.
Bechtel 1920BechtelFriedrich 1920: Die Attische Frauennamen. Göttingen.
Bechtel 1921BechtelFriedrich 1921: Die Griechischen Dialekte. 3 vols. Berlin.
Bechtel 1923BechtelFriedrich 1923: Lakonische Namen, in: Ἀντίδωρον: Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres am 11. Dezember 1923 gewidmet von Schülern, Freunden und Kollegen. Göttingen, 154-155.
van Beek 2009BeekLucien van 2009: The “Saussure Effect” in Greek: a revision of the evidence. Paper read at the conference “The Sound of Indo-European”. Copenhagen.
van Beek fthc.aBeekLucien van fthc.a: New evidence for the PIE root *h2ep-: Greek ἅπτω.
van Beek fthc.bBeekLucien van fthc.b: Vowel assimilation in Greek: the evidence reconsidered, in: T. Krisch et al. (eds.), Proceedings Fachtagung Salzburg.
Beekes 1969BeekesRobert S. P. 1969: The development of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Greek. The Hague.
Beekes 1975BeekesRobert S. P. 1975: Two notes on PIE stems in dentals, in: Rix (ed.): 9-14.
Beekes 1985BeekesRobert S. P. 1985: The origins of the Indo-European nominal inflection. Innsbruck.
Beekes 1990BeekesRobert S. P. 1990: Bloem en blad, in: A. Moerdijk et al. (eds.), 100 jaar etymologisch woordenboek van het Nederlands. The Hague, 375-382.
Beekes 1995BeekesRobert S. P. 1995: Comparative Indo-European linguistics: An introduction. Amsterdam.
Beekes 1998BeekesRobert S. P. 1998: Hades and Elysion, in: Jasanoff 1998: 17-28.
Beekes 2000BeekesRobert S. P. 2000: European substratum words in Greek, in: Ofitsch and Zinko (eds.): 21-31.
Beekes 2003BeekesRobert S. P. 2003: Indo-European or substrate? φάτνη and κῆρυξ, in: Bammesberger and Vennemann 2003: 109-116.
Beekes 2004BeekesRobert S. P. 2004: Armenian gišer and the Indo-European word for ‘evening’, in: Hyllested et al. (eds.): 59ff.
Beekes 2008BeekesRobert S. P. 2008: Palatalized consonants in Pre-Greek, in: Lubotsky et al. (eds.): 45-56.
Beekes et al. (eds.)BeekesRobert S. P. et al. (eds.) 1992: Rekonstruktion und relative Chronologie. Akten der VIII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Leiden, 31. August - 4. September 1987. Innsbruck.
Belardi 1969BelardiWalter 1969: Greco μανιάκης tra celtico e iranico, in: Studia classica et orientalia Antonino Pagliaro oblata 1. Roma, 189-212.
Bennett (ed.)BennettEmmett L. Jr. (ed.) 1964: Mycenaean studies: proceedings of the third International colloquium for Mycenaean studies held at ‘Wingspread’ (Racine, Wis.), 4-8 September 1961. Madison.
Benveniste 1929BenvenisteÉmile 1929: Le nom d’un animal indien chez Élien, in: Teeuwen (ed.): 371-376.
Benveniste 1935BenvenisteÉmile 1935: Origines de la formation des noms en indo-européen. Paris.
Benveniste 1937aBenvenisteÉmile 1937a: Hittite ḫatugi, in: Hjelmslev et al. (eds.): 496-499.
Benveniste 1937bBenvenisteÉmile 1937b: Noms d’armes orientaux en grec, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq. Bruxelles, 37-46.
Benveniste 1939BenvenisteÉmile 1939: La legende de Kombabos, in: Mélanges syriens offerts à M. René Dussaud, secrétaire perpétuel de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, par ses amis et ses élèves. Paris, 249-258.
Benveniste 1940aBenvenisteÉmile 1940a: Latin Tempus, in: Mélanges de philologie, de littérature et d’histoire anciennes offerts à Alfred Ernout. Paris, 11-16.
Benveniste 1940bBenvenisteÉmile 1940b: Textes sogdiens. Paris.
Benveniste 1948BenvenisteÉmile 1948: Noms d’agent et noms d’action en indo-européen. Paris.
Benveniste 1954BenvenisteÉmile 1954: Formes et sens de μνάομαι, in: Redard (ed.): 13-18.
Benveniste 1956BenvenisteÉmile 1956: “Hiver” et “neige” en indo-européen, in: Kronasser 1956(1): 31-39.
Benveniste 1962BenvenisteÉmile 1962: Hittite et indo-européen: études comparatives. Paris.
Benveniste 1967BenvenisteÉmile 1967: Un fait de supplétisme lexical en indo-européen, in: Meid (ed.): 11-15.
Benveniste 1969BenvenisteÉmile 1969: Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes, 2 vols. Paris.
Bergson 1956BergsonLeif 1956: L’épithète ornementale dans Éschyle, Sophocle et Euripide (PhD diss. Lund). Uppsala.
Berthelot (ed.)BerthelotAndré (ed.) 1935: Mélanges offerts à M. Octave Navarre par ses élèves et ses amis. Toulouse.
Beševliev and Georgiev (eds.)BeševlievVeselin and Vladimir Georgiev (eds.) 1958: Studia in honorem Acad. D. Dečev. Sofia.
Bethe 1923BetheErich 1923: Apollon, der Hellene, in: Ἀντίδωρον: Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres am 11. Dezember 1923 gewidmet von Schülern, Freunden und Kollegen. Göttingen, 14-21.
Bibauw (ed.)BibauwJacqueline (ed.) 1969: Hommages à Marcel Renard. Bruxelles.
Bielefeld 1968BielefeldErwin 1968: Schmuck (Archaeologia Homerica 1C). Göttingen.
Biraud 1993BiraudMichèle 1993: Usages de l’asphodèle et étymologies d’ἀσφόδελος, in: Les phytonymes grecs et latins, actes du colloque international tenu а Nice les 14, 15 et 16 mai 1992. Nice.
Biraud 1994BiraudMichèle 1994: Noms sans choses pour choses sans nom, in: Kircher-Durand et al. (eds.): 57-70.
Björck 1950BjörckGudmund 1950: Das Alpha impurum und die tragische Kunstsprache: Attische Wort- und Stilstudien. Uppsala etc.
Blanc 1988BlancAlain 1988: L’accablement et la stupéfaction: κατηφής et τέθηπα, in: ‘ΗΔΙΣΤΟΝ ΛΟΓΟΔΕΙΠΝΟΝ. Logopédies: mélanges de philologie et de linguistique grecques offerts à Jean Taillardat. Paris, 33-48.
Blanc 1994BlancAlain 1994: Erreur et errance: à propos d’ἀμπλακεῖν et ἀμπλακία, in: Kircher-Durand et al. (eds.): 79-85.
Blass and Debrunner 1959BlassFriedrich and Albert Debrunner 1959: Grammatik des neutestamentischen Griechisch. Göttingen10.
Blass & Debrunner 1959BlassFriedrich and Albert Debrunner 1959: Grammatik des neutestamentischen Griechisch. Göttingen10.
Blass-Debrunner-Funk 1961BlassFriedrich, Albert Debrunner and Robert W. Funk 1961: A Greek grammar of the New Testament and other early Christian literature. Chicago.
Bloch 1940BlochAlfred 1940: Zur Geschichte einiger suppletiver Verba im Griechischen. Basel.
Bloch 1954BlochAlfred 1954: Zur Herkunft der lateinischen Adjektive auf -idus, in: Redard (ed.): 19-32.
von Blumenthal 1930BlumenthalAlbrecht von 1930: Hesychstudien. Stuttgart.
Blümner 1875-1887BlümnerHugo 1875-1887: Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen und Römern. Leipzig.
Boëthius (ed.)BoëthiusAxel (ed.) 1932: Symbolae philologicae O. A. Danielsson octogenario dicatae. Uppsala.
Bolkestein 1936BolkesteinJohanna Christina 1936: Ὅσιος en εὐσεβής: bijdrage tot de godsdienstige en zedelijke terminologie van de Grieken. Amsterdam.
Bolling 1930BollingGeorge M. 1930: A matter of semantics, in: Studies in honor of H. Collitz. Baltimore, 43-47.
Bomba et al. (eds.)BombaRafaella et al. (eds.) 2006: Studi linguistici in onore di Roberto Gusmani. Alessandria.
Bonfante 1954BonfanteGiuliano 1954: L’animismo nelle lingue indoeuropee, in: Redard (ed.): 33-56.
Boßhardt 1942BoßhardtErnst 1942: Die Nomina auf -ευς: ein Beitrag zur Wortbildung der griechischen Sprache. Zürich.
Bourguet 1927BourguetÉmile 1927: Le dialecte laconien. Paris.
Boyce and Gershevitch (eds.)BoyceMary and Ilya Gershevitch (eds.) 1970: W.B. Henning memorial volume. London.
Brandenstein 1952BrandensteinWilhelm 1952: Studien zur indogermanischen Grundsprache. Wien.
Brandenstein 1954aBrandensteinWilhelm 1954a: Die Reichsgründersage des makedonischen Herrscherhauses, in: Sutter (ed.): 54-58.
Brandenstein 1954bBrandensteinWilhelm 1954b: Bemerkungen zur Völkertafel der Genesis, in: Redard (ed.): 57-84.
Brandenstein 1956BrandensteinWilhelm 1956: Arica, in: Kronasser 1956(1): 52-60.
Brandenstein 1958BrandensteinWilhelm 1958: Sprache und Schrift von Side, in: Grumach (ed.): 80-91.
Brandenstein (ed.)BrandensteinWilhelm (ed.) 1958: Sybaris: Festschrift Hans Krahe zum 60. Geburtstag am 7. Februar 1958 dargebracht von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen. Wiesbaden.
Brands 1935BrandsJosephus Petrus Joannes Maria 1935: Grieksche diernamen. Purmerend.
Brause 1909BrauseJohannes 1909: Lautlehre der kretischen Dialekte. Halle.
Briand 1997BriandMichel 1997: Grec κάπρος: du ‘(porc) vorace’ au ‘sanglier’, in: Les zoonymes. Actes du colloque international tenu à Nice les 23, 24 et 25 janvier 1997. Nice, 91-115.
Brice (ed.)BriceWilliam C. (ed.) 1967: Europa: Studien zur Geschichte und Epigraphik der frühen Aegaeis. Festschrift für Ernst Grumach. Berlin.
Brixhe 1976BrixheClaude 1976 : Le dialecte grec de Pamphylie: documents et grammaire. Paris.
Brixhe and Hodot 1988BrixheClaude and Réné Hodot 1988: L’Asie Mineure du nord au sud: inscriptions inédites. Nancy.
van Brock 1961BrockNadia van 1961: Recherches sur le vocabulaire médical du grec ancien: soins et guérison. Études et commentaires, 41. Paris.
Brogyanyi et al. (eds.)BrogyanyiBela et al. (eds.) 1992: Historical philology: Greek, Latin, and Romance: papers in honor of Oswald Szemerényi. Amsterdam.
Brommer 1940BrommerPeter 1940: Εἶδος et ἰδέα : étude sémantique et chronologique des oeuvres de Platon. Utrecht.
Brown 1985BrownRaymond A. 1985: Evidence for pre-Greek speech on Crete from Greek alphabetic sources. Amsterdam.
Brugmann 1886-1900BrugmannKarl 1886-1900: Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Strassburg1.
Brugmann 1894BrugmannKarl 1894: Die Ausdrücke für den Begriff der Totalität in den indogermanischen Sprachen: eine semasiologisch-etymologische Untersuchung. Leipzig.
Brugmann 1912BrugmannKarl 1912: Homerisch ἄνεω (ἄνεῳ) und nachhomerisch ἐνεός, in: Festschrift Vilhelm Thomsen (Finnisch-Ugrische Untersuchungen 12-13). Leipzig etc., 1-7.
Brugmann 1913BrugmannKarl 1913: Griechische Grammatik: Lautlehre, Stammbildungs- und Flexionslehre, Syntax. 4. vermehrte Aufl. bearb. von Albert Thumb. München.
Brugmann-Delbrück 1897-1916BrugmannKarl and Berthold Delbrück 1897-1916: Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Strassburg2.
Brunel 1939BrunelJean 1939: L’aspect verbal et l’emploi des préverbes en grec, particulièrement en attique. Paris.
Brunius-Nilsson 1955Brunius-NilssonElisabeth 1955: Δαιμόνιε: an inquiry into a mode of apostrophe in old Greek literature. Uppsala.
Brust 2005BrustManfred 2005: Die indischen und iranischen Lehnwörter im Griechischen. Innsbruck2.
Buck 1953BuckCarl D. 1953: Θεωρός, in: Mylonas and Raymond 1953: 443-444.
Buck 1955BuckCarl D. 1955: The Greek Dialects. Chicago2.
Burg 1939BurgNicolaas Marius Henricus van den 1939: Ἀπόρρητα, δρώμενα, ὄργια: bijdrage tot de kennis der religieuze terminologie in het Grieksch. Amsterdam.
Burkert 1955BurkertWalter 1955: Zum altgriechischen Mitleidsbegriff. Diss. Erlangen.
Burkert 1985BurkertWalter 1985: Greek Religion. Cambridge (Mass.).
Burkert 1992BurkertWalter 1992: The Orientalizing Revolution. Cambridge (Mass.).
Burr 1932BurrViktor 1932: Nostrum Mare. Ursprung und Geschichte der Namen des Mittelmeeres und seiner Teilmeere im Altertum. Stuttgart.
Buttmann 1825ButtmannPhilipp 1825: Lexilogus oder Beiträge zur griechischen Wort-Erklärung, hauptsächlich für Homer und Hesiod. Berlin.
Campanile 1969CampanileEnrico 1969: Note sulle glosse sicule e sui rapporti linguistici fra siculo e latino, in: Studia classica et orientalia Antonino Pagliaro oblata. Roma, 293-322.
Cardona et al. (eds.)CardonaGeorge et al. (eds.) 1987: Festschrift for Henry Hoenigswald on the occasion of his seventieth birthday. Tübingen.
Carnoy 1934CarnoyAlbert 1934: Les noms de Démeter et de Coré, in: Mélanges Bidez. Bruxelles, 71-77.
Casabona 1966CasabonaJean 1966: Recherches sur le vocabulaire des sacrifices en grec, des origines à la fin de l’époque classique. Paris.
Castleden 1998CastledenRodney 1998: Atlantis destroyed. London.
Chadwick 1964ChadwickJohn 1964: Pylos Tablet Un 1322, in: Bennett (ed.): 19-26.
Chantraine 1928ChantrainePierre 1928: Sur le vocabulaire maritime des grecs, in: Étrennes de linguistique offertes par quelques amis à Émile Benveniste. Paris, 1-25.
Chantraine 1932ChantrainePierre 1932: Quelques mots grecs suspects d’être empruntés à des parlers préhellléniques. Mélanges Gustave Glotz I, Paris, 163-171.
Chantraine 1933ChantrainePierre 1933: La formation des noms en grec ancien. Paris.
Chantraine 1934ChantrainePierre 1934: Deux notes sur le vocabulaire juridique dans les papyrus grecs, in: Mémoires de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 67, 219-224.
Chantraine 1935ChantrainePierre 1935: L’épithète homérique Ἀργεϊφόντης, in: Berthelot (ed.): 69-79.
Chantraine 1936ChantrainePierre 1936: Homérique Μερόπων Ἀνθρώπων, in: Mélanges Franz Cumont. Bruxelles, 121-128.
Chantraine 1940ChantrainePierre 1940: Le parallélisme sémantique latin locus et grec τόπος, in: Mélanges de philologie, de littérature et d’histoire anciennes offerts à Alfred Ernout. Paris, 51-60.
Chantraine 1942ChantrainePierre 1942: Grammaire homérique. Paris.
Chantraine 1953ChantrainePierre 1953: Grammaire homérique II: Syntaxe. Paris.
Chantraine 1956aChantrainePierre 1956a: Études sur le vocabulaire grec. Paris.
Chantraine 1956bChantrainePierre 1956b: Les mots designant la gauche en grec ancien, in: Kronasser 1956(1): 61-69.
Chantraine 1961ChantrainePierre 1961: Morphologie historique du grec. Paris2.
Chantraine 1966ChantrainePierre 1966: Grec γλαυκός, Γλαῦκος et mycénien “Karauko”, in: A. Aymard et al. (eds.): 193-203.
Chantraine 1968ChantrainePierre 1968: Kira et keraso dans la tablette MY V 659, in: Atti e memorie del 1o Congresso Internazionale di Micenologia, Roma, 27 settembre-3 ottobre 1967. Roma, 574-577.
Chantraine and Masson 1954ChantrainePierre and Olivier Masson 1954: Sur quelques termes du vocabulaire religieux des Grecs: La valeur du mot ἄγος et ses dérivés, in: Redard (ed.): 85-108.
Cheung 2007CheungJohnny 2007: Etymological dictionary of the Iranian verb. Leiden.
Citron 1965CitronAlbrecht 1965: Semantische Untersuchungen zu σπένδεσθαι - σπένδειν - εὔχεσθαι. Winterthur.
Clackson 1994ClacksonJames 1994: The linguistic relationship between Armenian and Greek. Oxford.
Clackson and Olsen (eds.)ClacksonJames and Birgit Anette Olsen (eds.) 2004: Indo-European word formation: proceedings of the conference held at the University of Copenhagen October 20th - 22nd 2000. Copenhagen.
Collinder 1943CollinderBjörn 1943: Ein indoeuropäisches Wohllautgesetz. Uppsala.
Collins et al. (eds.)CollinsBillie Jean et al. (eds.) 2008: Anatolian interfaces: Hittites, Greeks and their neighbours: proceedings of an international conference on cross-cultural interaction, September 17-19, 2004, Emory University, Atlanta, GA. Oxford.
Cuillandre 1944CuillandreJoseph 1944: La droite et la gauche dans les poèmes homériques. Paris.
Cuny 1908CunyAlbert 1908: Gr. βῡχάνη, lat. būcina, in: Mélanges de linguistique offerts à F. de Saussure. Paris, 107-114.
Curtius 1858CurtiusGeorg 1858: Grundzüge der griechischen Etymologie. Leipzig.
Danielsson 1892DanielssonOlof August 1892: De voce αἰζηός. Uppsala.
Davreux 1942DavreuxJ. 1942: La légende de la prophétesse Cassandre. Paris.
Debrunner 1917DebrunnerAlbert 1917: Griechische Wortbildungslehre. Heidelberg.
Debrunner 1923DebrunnerAlbert 1923: Metrische Kürzung bei Homer, in: ’Αντίδωρον: Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres am 11. Dezember 1923 gewidmet von Schülern, Freunden und Kollegen. Göttingen, 28-40.
Debrunner 1937DebrunnerAlbert 1937: Διδάσκω, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq. Bruxelles, 251-266.
Debrunner 1947DebrunnerAlbert 1947: Δημοκρατία, in: Festschrift für Edouard Tièche, ehemaligen Professor an der Universität Bern, zum 70. Geburtstage am 21. März 1947. Bern, 11-24.
Debrunner 1956DebrunnerAlbert 1956: Δέγμενος, ἑσπόμενος, ἄρχμενος, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(1): 77-84.
Decourt 1995DecourtJean-Claude 1995: Inscriptions de Thessalie 1. Athènes.
Defner 1923DefnerMichael 1923: Λεξικὸν τῆς τσακωνικῆς διαλέκτου. Athens.
Deger-Jalkotzy et al. (eds.)Deger-JalkotzySigrid et al. (eds.) 1999: Floreant studia mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Wien.
Del Grande 1947Del GrandeCarlo 1947: Hybris. Colpa e castigo nell’ espressione poetica e letteraria degli scrittori della Grecia antica da Omero a Cleante. Napoli.
Delbrück 1893-1900DelbrückBerthold 1893-1900: Vergleichende Syntax der indogermanischen Sprachen. Strassburg.
Delebecque 1951DelebecqueÉdouard 1951: Le cheval dans l’Iliade: suivi d’un lexique du cheval chez Homère et d’un essai sur le cheval pré-homérique. Paris.
Demiraj 1997DemirajBardhyl 1997: Albanische Etymologien. Amsterdam.
Denniston 1954DennistonJohn Dewar 1954: The Greek particles. Oxford.
Derksen 1996DerksenRick H. 1996: Metatony in Baltic. Amsterdam.
Derksen 2008DerksenRick H. 2008: Etymological dictionary of the Slavic inherited lexicon. Leiden.
Detienne and Vernant 1974DetienneMarcel and Jean-Pierre Vernant 1974: Les ruses de l’intelligence: la métis des grecs. Paris.
Detschew 1957DetschewDimitar 1957: Die thrakischen Sprachreste. Wien.
Deubner 1932DeubnerLudwig 1932: Attische Feste. Berlin.
Diehl 1938DiehlJakob 1938: Sphragis. Eine semasiologische Nachlese. Gießen.
Diels 1920DielsHermann 1920: Antike Technik: sieben Vorträge2. Leipzig.
Dobias-Lalou 2000Dobias-LalouCatherine 2000: Le dialecte des inscriptions grecques de Cyrène. Paris.
Döderlein 1835DöderleinLudwig 1835: Vocabulorum Homericorum etyma sive ad emendat: Glossarii Passoviani symbolae. Erlangen.
Dörrie 1956DörrieH. 1956: Leid und Erfahrung. Die Wort- und Sinnverbindung παθεῖν - μαθεῖν im griechischen Denken. Mainz.
Drioton-Vandier 1962DriotonEtienne and Jacques Vandier 1962: L’Égypte. Paris4.
Dubois 1988DuboisLaurent 1988: Recherches sur le dialecte arcadien. Leuven.
Duchesne-Guillemin 1937Duchesne-GuilleminJacques 1937: Greek ἱερός - Skr. iṣirá, in: Mélanges Emile Boisacq. Bruxelles, 333-338.
Duhoux 1993DuhouxYves 1993: Les premiers phytonymes grecs: les données mycéniennes, in: Les phytonymes grecs et latins, actes du colloque international tenu à Nice les 14, 15 et 16 mai 1992. Nice, 97-122.
Dunkel 1987DunkelGeorge E. 1987: heres, χηρωσταί: indogermanische Richtersprache, in: Cardona (ed.): 91-100.
Dunkel 1995DunkelGeorge E. 1995: More Mycenaean survivals in later Greek, in: Hettrich (ed.): 1-21.
Dussaud 1953DussaudRené 1953: Prélydiens, Hittites et Achéens. Paris.
Ebert (ed.)EbertMax (ed.) 1924-1932: Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte. Berlin.
Eggers et al. (eds.)EggersEckhard et al. (eds.) 1999: Florilegium linguisticum: Festschrift für Wolfgang P. Schmid zum 70. Geburtstag. Frankfurt am Main.
Egli 1954EgliJakob 1954: Heteroklisie im Griechischen mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Fälle von Gelenkheteroklisie. Zürich.
Ehrlich 1910EhrlichHugo 1910: Zur indogermanischen Sprachgeschichte. Königsberg.
Ehrlich 1912EhrlichHugo 1912: Untersuchungen über die Natur der griechischen Betonung Berlin.
Eichner et al. (eds.)EichnerHeiner et al. (eds.) 1999: Compositiones Indogermanicae in memoriam Jochem Schindler. Prague.
Eilers and Mayrhofer 1962EilersWilhelm and Manfred Mayrhofer 1962: Kurdisch būz und die indogermanische “Buchen”-Sippe, in: Festschrift Franz Hančar zum siebzigsten Geburtstage (Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien 92). Horn/Wien, 61-92.
Eißfeldt 1939EißfeldtOtto 1939: Linos und Alijan, in: Mélanges syriens offerts à M. René Dussaud, secrétaire perpétuel de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, par ses amis et ses élèves. Paris, 161-170.
Ekman 1933EkmanE. 1933: Zu Xenophon’s Hipparchikos. Diss. Uppsala.
Elferink 1934ElferinkLambertus Johan 1934: Lekythos. Archäologische, sprachliche und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen. Amsterdam.
Erbse (ed.)ErbseHartmut (ed.) 1956: Festschrift Bruno Snell: zum 60. Geburtstag am 18. Juni 1956 von Freunden und Schülern überreicht. München.
Ernout 1946ErnoutAlfred Georges 1946: Philologica 1. Paris.
Ernout 1954ErnoutAlfred Georges 1954: Aspects du vocabulaire latin. Paris.
Etter (ed.)EtterAnnemarie (ed.) 1986: O-o-pe-ro-si: Festschrift für Ernst Risch zum 75. Geburtstag. Berlin.
Falk & Torp 1910FalkHjalmar and Torp, Alf 1910: Norwegisch-dänisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.
Faure 1980FaurePaul 1980: Ulysse, le Crétois. Paris.
Feist 1939FeistSigmund 1939: Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der gotischen Sprache. Leiden.
Festugière 1936FestugièreAndré-Jean 1936: Contemplation et vie contemplative selon Platon. Paris.
Fick 1874-1876FickAugust 1874-1876: Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen. 4 vols. Göttingen3.
Fick 1905FickAugust 1905: Vorgriechische Ortsnamen als Quelle für die Vorgeschichte Griechenlands verwertet. Göttingen.
Fick & Bechtel 1894FickAugust and Friedrich Bechtel 1894: Die griechischen Personennamen nach ihrer Bildung erklärt und systematisch geordnet. Göttingen.
Fiesel 1928FieselEva 1928: Namen des griechischen Mythos im Etruskischen. Göttingen.
Finzenhagen 1939FinzenhagenUlrich 1939: Die geographische Terminologie des Griechischen. Würzburg/Aumühle.
Fohalle 1925FohalleRené 1925: A propos de κυβερνᾶν : gubernare, in: Mélanges linguistiques offerts à J. Vendryes par ses amis et ses élèves. Paris, 179-186.
Forssman 1966ForssmanBernhard 1966: Untersuchungen zur Sprache Pindars. Wiesbaden.
Forssman 1980ForssmanBernhard 1980: Ein unbekanntes Lautgesetz in der homerischen Sprache?, in: Mayrhofer et al. (eds.) 1980: 180-198.
Forssman 1986ForssmanBernhard 1986: Homerisch ἄμοτον, in: Etter (ed.): 329-339.
Forssman 2005ForssmanBernhard 2005: Das Verbum oig- ‘öffnen’ bei Homer, in: G. Meiser et al. (eds.): 17-23.
Forssman and Plath (eds.)ForssmanBernhard and Robert Plath (eds.) 2000: Indoarisch, Iranisch und die Indogermanistik. Arbeitstagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 2. bis 5. Oktober in Erlangen. Wiesbaden.
Forster 1950ForsterHans A. 1950: Zur Geschichte der griechischen Komposita vom Typus ’Επίχρυσος. Zürich.
Fournier 1946FournierHenry 1946: Les verbes “dire” en grec ancien: exemple de conjugaison supplétive. Paris.
Fraenkel 1923FraenkelEduard 1923: Homerische Wörter, in: Ἀντίδωρον: Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres am 11. Dezember 1923 gewidmet von Schülern, Freunden und Kollegen. Göttingen, 274-282.
Fraenkel 1950FraenkelEduard 1950: Aeschylus: Agamemnon. Edited with a commentary by Eduard Fraenkel. 3 vols. Oxford.
Fraenkel 1906FraenkelErnst 1906: Griechische Denominativa in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung und Verbreitung. Göttingen.
Fraenkel 1910-1912FraenkelErnst 1910-1912: Geschichte der griechischen Nomina agentis auf -tēr, -tōr, -tēs, 2 vols. Strassburg.
Fraenkel 1937FraenkelErnst 1937: Zu eu-Erweiterung indogermanischer Wurzeln under besonderer Berücksichtigung von Baltisch, Slavisch und Griechisch, in: Mélanges Emile Boisacq. Bruxelles, 355-381.
Fraenkel 1955FraenkelErnst 1955: Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.
Fraenkel 1956aFraenkelErnst 1956a: Zur Verkürzung von Komposita in den indogermanischen Sprachen, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(1): 100-106.
Fraenkel 1956bFraenkelErnst 1956b: Zur griechischen Volkskunde und Sprachforschung, in: Erbse (ed.): 181-188.
Fraenkel 1958FraenkelErnst 1958: Zur indogermanischen Namenforschung, in: Brandenstein (ed.): 37-44.
Francis 1970FrancisEric D. 1970: Greek disyllabic roots: the aorist formations. Unpublished diss. Harvard.
Fränkel 1960FränkelHermann 1960: Wege und Formen frühgriechischen Denkens. München2.
Friedmann 1937FriedmannBeatrice 1937: Die jonischen und attischen Wörter im Altlatein. Helsingfors.
Friedrich 1952FriedrichJohannes 1952: Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.
Frisk 1931FriskHjalmar 1931: Bankakten aus dem Faijum nebst anderen berliner Papyri. Göteborg.
Frisk 1934FriskHjalmar 1934: Zur indoiranischen und griechischen Nominalbildung. Göteborg.
Frisk 1935FriskHjalmar 1935: “Wahrheit” und “Lüge” in den indogermanischen Sprachen: einige morphologische Beobachtungen (GHÅ 41: 3). Göteburg.
Frisk 1938FriskHjalmar 1938: Indogermanica (GHÅ 44: 1). Göteborg.
Frisk 1941FriskHjalmar 1941: Über den Gebrauch des Privatpräfixes im indogermanischen Adjektiv (GHÅ 47:11). Göteborg.
Frisk 1944FriskHjalmar 1944: Etyma armeniaca (GHÅ 50: 1). Göteborg.
Frisk 1948FriskHjalmar 1948: Substantiva privativa im Indogermanischen: eine morphologisch-stilistische Studie. Göteborg.
Frisk 1951FriskHjalmar 1951: Quelques noms de la tempe en indo-européen (GHÅ 57: 4). Göteborg.
Frisk 1966FriskHjalmar 1966: Kleine Schriften zur Indogermanistik und zur griechischen Wortkunde. Göteborg.
Gantz 1993GantzTimothy 1993: Early Greek Myth. Baltimore etc.
Garbini 1969GarbiniGiovanni 1969: Grabovius, in: Studi linguistici in onore di Vittore Pisani. Brescia, 391-400.
García Ramón 1986García RamónJosé Luis 1986: Griego ῑ̓άομαι, in: Etter (ed.): 497-514.
García Ramón 1992aGarcía RamónJosé Luis 1992a: Mycénien ke-sa-do-ro /Kessandros/, ke-ti-ro /Kestilos/, ke-to /Kestōr/: grec alphabétique Ἀνησιμβρότα, Ἀνησίλαoς, Ἀνήτωρ et le nom de Cassandra, in: Mykenaïka: actes du IXe Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Athènes, 239-255.
García Ramón 1992bGarcía RamónJosé Luis 1992b: Griechisch ἱερός (und Varianten), vedisch iṣirá‑, in: Beekes et al. (eds.): 183-205.
García Ramón 1993aGarcía RamónJosé Luis 1993a: Lat. cēnsēre, got. hazjan und idg. Präs. *ḱéns-e-ti (und *ḱn̥s-éi̯e-ti) ‘verkündigt, schätzt’, stativ *ḱn̥s-eh1- ‘verkündigt, geschätzt werden’, in: Meiser (ed.): 106-130.
García Ramón 1993bGarcía RamónJosé Luis 1993b: Latín ciēre, citus, IE *kei̯- / ki- ‘ponerse en movimiento’ y Causat. *koi̯-éi̯e-ti, in: Heidermanns (ed.): 125-139.
García Ramón 1997García RamónJosé Luis 1997: Lat. prae, gr. παράι, παρά und Verwandtes: idg. *pr̥h2- und *pr̥- ‘vorn daneben, vor’ gegenüber *pro(h1) ‘vor(n), vorwärts’, in: Lubotsky (ed.): 47-62.
García Ramón 1998García RamónJosé Luis 1998: Indogermanisch *gu̯hen- ‘(wiederholt) schlagen’, ‘töten’, in: Jasanoff et al. (eds.): 139-154.
García Ramón 1999aGarcía RamónJosé Luis 1999a: Zur Bedeutung indogermanischer Verbalwurzeln: *h2nek̂- ‘erreichen, reichen bis’, *h1nek̂- ‘erhalten, (weg)nehmen’, in: Habisreitinger et al. (eds.): 47-80.
García Ramón 1999bGarcía RamónJosé Luis 1999b: Myk. qe-qi-no-me-no, hom. δινωτός und der PN di-nu-wa-ta, in: Deger-Jalkotzy et al. (eds.): 237-248.
García Ramón 1999cGarcía RamónJosé Luis 1999c: Griechisch Ζητήρ: Ζεὺς ἐν Κύπρῳ, vedisch yātár- “Rächer” und die Vertretung von *i̯- im Griechischen, in: Eichner et al. (eds.): 77-96.
García Ramón 2000García RamónJosé Luis 2000: Homerisch οὖρος ‘Fahrtwind’, θοῦρος ‘ungestüm’, οὖλος ‘verderblich’: zur Funktion der -o-stufigen *-u̯o-Bildungen im Griechischen, in: Hintze et al. (eds.): 63-78.
García Ramón 2004García RamónJosé Luis 2004: Homerisch οὐροί ‘Kielfurchen, Landgräben’ (*u̯̯oru̯-o- ‘der Ziehende’) und ἐρύω ‘ziehen’, gr. ὁλκός und ἕλκω, κέλετρον und hom. κέλσαι’, in: Hyllested et al. (eds.): 145-154.
García Ramón fthc.García RamónJosé Luis fthc.: Idg. *(s)peh2- ‘in (heftige) Bewegung setzen, ziehen’ : Ved. pā-3, heth. pipp(a)-%ḫ%ḫi und gr. σπάω, arm. hanem, in: Akten der XII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Krakau 2004.
Georgacas 1956GeorgacasDemetrius J. 1956: Ancient Greek terms surviving orally, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(1): 114-129.
George et al. (eds.)GeorgeCoulter et al. (eds.) 2007: Greek and Latin from an Indo-European perspective. Cambridge.
Georgiev 1937GeorgievVladimir I. 1937: Die Träger der Kretisch-Mykenischen Kultur, ihre Herkunft und ihre Sprache. I. Teil: Urgriechen und Urillyrier (Thrako-Illyrier). Sofia.
Germain 1954GermainGabriel 1954: Genèse de l’Odyssée. Le fantastique et le sacré. Paris.
Gernet 1937GernetLouis 1937: Notes de lexicologie juridique, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq. Bruxelles, 391-398.
Gershevitch 1989GershevitchIlya 1989: Margarites the Pearl, in: C.-H. de Fouchécour and Ph. Gignoux (eds.), Etudes irano-aryennes offertes à Gilbert Lazard. Paris, 113-36.
Gérard-Rousseau 1968Gérard-RousseauMonique 1968: Les mentions religieuses dans les tablettes mycéniennes. Roma.
Gigon 1954GigonOlof 1954: Zur Geschichtsschreibung der römischen Republik, in: Redard (ed.): 151-170.
Gigon et al. (eds.)GigonOlof et al. (eds.) 1946: Phyllobolia für Peter von der Mühll zum 60. Geburtstag am 1. August 1945. Basel.
Gil Fernández 1959Gil FernándezLuis 1959: Nombres de insectos en griego antiguo. Madrid.
Gildersleeve 1980GildersleeveBasil Lanneau 1980: Syntax of classical Greek: from Homer to Demosthenes. Groningen.
Girard 1988Girard Marie Christine 1988: Connaissance et méconnaissance de l’hellébore dans l’Antiquité. Labal.
Gladigow 1965GladigowBurkhard 1965: Sophia und Kosmos. Untersuchungen zur Frühgeschichte von σοφός und σοφίη. Hildesheim.
Gonda 1929GondaJan 1929: Δείκνυμι: semantische studie over den Indo-Germaanschen wortel DEIḰ́. Amsterdam.
Gonda 1952GondaJan 1952: Ancient Indian ojas, Latin *augos and the Indo-European nouns in -es‑, -os. Utrecht.
Gonda 1953GondaJan 1953: Reflexions on the numerals “one” and “two” in ancient Indo-European Languages. Utrecht.
Gonda 1956GondaJan 1956: The character of the Indo-European moods: with special regard to Greek and Sanskrit. Wiesbaden.
Gotō 1995GotōToshifumi 1995: Griechisch ἐλεφαίρομαι, in: Smoczyński (ed.): 365-370.
Graz 1965GrazLouis 1965: La feu dans l’Iliade et l’Odyssée. Paris.
Grégoire 1949aGrégoireHenri 1949a: Thraces et Thessaliens, maîtres de religion et de magie, in: Hommages à Joseph Bidez et à Franz Cumont. Bruxelles, 375-386.
Greindl 1938GreindlMax 1938: Κλέος, κῦδος, εὖχος, τιμή, φάτις, δόξα. Diss. München.
Greindl 1949bGreindlMax 1949b: Asklèpios, Apollon Smintheus et Rudra. Bruxelles.
Grumach (ed.)GrumachErnst (ed.) 1958: Minoica: Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall. Berlin.
Gsell 1913GsellStéphane 1913: Histoire ancienne de l’Afrique du Nord 1. Paris.
Gsell 1915GsellStéphane 1915: Hérodote. Alger.
Güntert 1914GüntertHermann Georg Konrad 1914: Über Reimwortbildungen im Arischen und Altgriechischen: eine sprachwissenschaftliche Untersuchung. Heidelberg.
Güntert 1916GüntertHermann Georg Konrad 1916: Indogermanische Ablautprobleme: Untersuchungen über Schwa secundum, einen zweiten indogermanischen Murmelvokal. Strassburg.
Güntert 1919GüntertHermann Georg Konrad 1919: Kalypso: Bedeutungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiet der indogermanischen Sprachen. Halle an der Saale.
Güntert 1921GüntertHermann Georg Konrad 1921: Von der Sprache der Götter und Geister: Bedeutungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur homerischen und eddischen Göttersprache. Halle.
Güntert 1923GüntertHermann Georg Konrad 1923: Der arische Weltkönig und Heiland: Bedeutungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur indo-iranischen Religionsgeschichte und Altertumskunde. Halle.
Güntert 1932GüntertHermann Georg Konrad 1932: Labyrinth: eine sprachwissenschaftliche Untersuchung Heidelberg.
Gusmani 1964GusmaniRoberto 1964: Lydisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.
Gusmani 1969GusmaniRoberto 1969: Isoglosse lessicali greco-ittite, in: Studi linguistici in onore di Vittore Pisani. Brescia, 501-514.
Guthrie 1952GuthrieWilliam Keith Chambers 1952: Orpheus and Greek religion: a study of the Orphic Movement. London.
Haas 1956HaasOtto 1956: Die griechischen Absolutiva auf -δα, -δην, -δον, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956 (1): 130-145
Haas 1966HaasOtto 1966: Die phrygische Sprachdenkmäler. Sofia.
Habisreitinger et al. (eds.)HabisreitingerJürgen et al. (eds.) 1999: Gering und doch von Herzen: 25 indogermanistische Beiträge: Bernhard Forssman zum 65. Geburstag. Wiesbaden.
Hackstein 1995HacksteinOlav 1995: Untersuchungen zu den sigmatischen Präsensstammbildungen des Tocharischen. Göttingen.
Hackstein 2002HacksteinOlav 2002: Die Sprachform der homerischen Epen. Wiesbaden.
Hajnal 1992HajnalIvo 1992: Griechisch χαμαί. Ein Problem der Rekonstruktion?, in: Beekes et al. (eds.): 207-220.
Hamm 1957HammEva Maria 1957: Grammatik zu Sappho und Alkaios. Berlin.
Hamp 2005HampEric Pratt 2005: A far-out question, in: Hegedűs et al. (eds.): 94-105.
Harðarson 1993aHarðarsonJón Axel 1993a: Studien zum urindogermanischen Wurzelaorist und dessen Vertretung im Indoiranischen und Griechischen. Innsbruck.
Harðarson 1993bHarðarsonJón Axel 1993b: Griechisch (F)ίεμαι, in: Meiser (ed.): 159-168.
Harkemanne 1967HarkemanneJean 1967: Recherches de philologie et de linguistique 1. Louvain.
De la Harpe et al. (eds.)HarpeJean de la et al. (eds.) 1944: Mélanges offerts à M. Max Niedermann à l’occasion de son soixante-dixième anniversaire. Neuchâtel.
Hartmann 1956HartmannHans 1956: Zur Funktion des Perfekts, in: Erbse (ed.): 243-250.
Hartmann and Neumann (eds.)HartmannHans and Hans Neumann (eds.) 1960: Indogermanica: Festschrift für Wolfgang Krause zum 65. Geburtstag am 18. September 1960 von Fachgenossen und Freunden dargebracht. Heidelberg.
Haug 2002HaugDag 2002: Les phases de l’évolution de la langue épique. Göttingen.
Haupt (ed.)HauptPaul (ed.) 1912: Actes du 16me congrès international des orientalistes, tenu en 1912 à Athènes. Athènes.
Havers 1946HaversWilhelm 1946: Neuere Literatur zum Sprachtabu. Wien.
Headlam and Knox 1922HeadlamWalter George and Knox, Alfred Dillwyn 1922: Herodes’ Mimes and fragments. Cambridge.
Heberdey and Kalinka 1897HeberdeyRudolph and Ernst Kalinka 1897: Bericht über zwei Reisen im südwestlichen Kleinasien. Wien.
Heesterman et al. (eds.)HeestermanJohannes Cornelis et al. (eds.) 1968: Pratidānam: Indian, Iranian and Indo-European studies presented to Franciscus Bernardus Jacobus Kuiper on his sixtieth birthday. The Hague.
Hegedűs et al. (eds.)HegedűsIrén et al. (eds.) 2005: Indo-European, Nostratic, & Beyond: Festschrift for Vitalij V. Shevoroshkin. Washington D.C.
Hehn-Schrader 1911HehnVictor and Otto Schrader 1911: Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere in ihrem Übergang aus Asien nach Griechenland. 3. Auflage von O. Schrader. Berlin.
Heidermanns et al. (eds.)HeidermannsFrank et al. (eds.) 1993: Sprachen und Schriften des antiken Mittelmeerraums: Festschrift für Jürgen Untermann zum 65. Geburtstag. Innsbruck.
Heinz et al. (eds.)HeinzAdam et al. (eds.) 1965: Symbolae linguisticae in honorem Georgii Kuryłowicz. Wrocław etc.
Heller et al. (eds.)HellerKarin, et al. (eds.) 1989: Indogermanica Europaea: Festschrift für Wolfgang Meid zum 60. Geburtstag am 12. 11. 1989. Graz.
Hellmann 1992HellmannMarie-Christine 1992: Recherches sur le vocabulaire de l’architecture grecque, d’après les inscriptions de Délos. Athens.
Helm (ed.)HelmRudolf (ed.) 1931: Natalicium: Johannes Geffcken zum 70. Geburtstag, 2. Mai 1931, gewidmet von Freunden, Kollegen und Schülern: Beiträge zur klassischen Altertumskunde. Heidelberg.
Hemberg 1950HembergBengt 1950: Die Kabiren. Diss. Uppsala.
Hemelrijk 1925HemelrijkJacob 1925: Πενία en Πλοῦτος (diss.). Utrecht.
van Herten 1934HertenJoseph Christiaan Antonius van 1934: Θρησκεία, εὐλάβεια, ἱκέτης: bijdrage tot de kennis der religieuze terminologie in het grieksch. Diss. Utrecht.
van Herwerden 1910HerwerdenHendrik van 1910: Lexicon graecum suppletorium et dialecticum, 2 vols. Leiden2.
Hesselman 1932HesselmanBengt 1932: Marathon, in: Nelson (ed.): 94-112.
Hettrich et al. (eds.)HettrichHeinrich et al. (eds.) 1995: Verba et Structurae, Festschrift für Klaus Strunk. Innsbruck.
Heubeck 1961HeubeckAnton 1961: Praegraeca: sprachliche Untersuchungen zum vorgriechisch-indogermanischen Substrat. Erlangen.
Heubeck 1966HeubeckAnton 1966: Mycenaean qe-qi-no-me-no, in: Palmer and Chadwick (eds.): 229-237.
Heurgon 1966HeurgonJacques 1966: La Coupe d’Aulus Vibenna, in: Melanges offerts à Jérôme Carcopino, Paris, 515-528.
Hiersche 1964HierscheRolf 1964: Untersuchungen zur Frage der Tenues aspiratae im Indogermanischen. Wiesbaden.
Hiltbrunner 1958HiltbrunnerOtto 1958: Latina graeca: semasiologische Studien über lateinische Wörter im Hinblick auf ihr Verhältnis zu griechischen Vorbildern. Bern.
Hintze et al. (eds.)HintzeAlmut et al. (eds.) 2000: Anusantatyai: Festschrift für Johanna Narten zum 70. Geburtstag (MSS Beiheft 19). Dettelbach.
Hitzig and Blümner 1896-1910HitzigHermann and Hügo Blümner (eds.) 1896-1910: Pausaniae Graeciae descriptio = Des Pausanias Beschreibung von Griechenland. Leipzig.
Hjelmslev et al. (eds.)HjelmslevLouis et al. (eds.) 1937: Mélanges linguistiques offerts à M. Holger Pedersen: à l’occasion de son soixante-dixième anniversaire, 7 avril 1937. Aarhus.
Hodot 1990HodotRéné 1990: Le dialecte éolien d’Asie: la langue des inscriptions. Paris.
Hoffmann 1955HoffmannKarl 1955: Altpers. afuvāyā, in: Krahe (ed.): 80-85.
Hoffmann 1975-1976HoffmannKarl 1975-1976: Aufsätze zur Indoiranistik 2. Wiesbaden.
Hoffmann 1891HoffmannOtto 1891: Die griechischen Dialekte 1. Göttingen.
Hoffmann 1893HoffmannOtto 1893: Die griechischen Dialekte 2. Göttingen.
Hoffmann 1898HoffmannOtto 1898: Die griechischen Dialekte 3. Göttingen.
Hoffmann 1906HoffmannOtto 1906: Die Makedonen, ihre Sprache und ihr Volkstum. Göttingen.
Hoffmann 1921HoffmannOtto 1921: Griechische Wortdeutungen, in: Festschrift Adalbert Bezzenberger, zum 14. April 1921 dargebracht. Göttingen, 77-85.
Hoffmann & Debrunner 1954HoffmannOtto and Albert Debrunner 1954: Geschichte der griechischen Sprache. 2 vols. Berlin.
Hoffmann 1956HoffmannWilhelm 1956: Die Polis bei Homer, in: Erbse (ed.): 153-165.
Hofinger et al. (eds.)HofingerMarcel et al. (eds.) 1967: Recherches de philologie et de linguistique. Louvain.
Hollerbach 1964HollerbachHans Rainer 1964: Zur Bedeutung des Wortes χρεία. Diss. Köln.
Holt 1941HoltJens 1941: Les noms d’action en -σις (-τις): études de linguistique grecque. København.
Holwerda 1955HolwerdaDouwe 1955: Commentatio de vocis quae est φύσις vi atque usu praesertim in graecitate Aristotele anteriore. Groningen.
Hoops 1905HoopsJohannes 1905: Waldbäume und Kulturpflanzen im Germanischen Altertum. Strassburg.
Horn 1893HornPaul 1893: Grundriss der neupersischen Etymologie. Strassburg.
Hrozný 1940HroznýBedřich 1940: Die älteste Geschichte Vorderasiens und Indiens. Prag.
Huber 1921HuberJ. 1921: De lingua antiquissimorum graeciae incolarum. Wien.
Hübschmann 1897HübschmannHeinrich 1897: Armenische Grammatik. Leipzig.
Hubschmid 1953aHubschmidJohannes 1953a: Essais de philologie moderne. Paris.
Hubschmid 1953bHubschmidJohannes 1953b: Sardische Studien. Bern.
Hubschmid 1955HubschmidJohannes 1955: Schläuche und Fässer: Wort- und Sachgeschichtliche Untersuchungen mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des romanischen Sprachgutes in und ausserhalb der Romania sowie der türkisch-europäischen und türkisch-kaukasisch-persischen Lehnbeziehungen. Bern.
Hubschmid 1963HubschmidJohannes 1963: Thesaurus Praeromanicus. Bern.
Huld 1984HuldMartin E. 1984: Basic Albanian etymologies. Los Angeles.
Hyet (ed.)HyetCharles (ed.) 1969: Mélanges de linguistique, de philologie et de méthodologie de l’enseignement des langues anciennes offerts à M. René Fohalle à l’occasion de son soixante-dixième anniversaire. Gembloux.
Hyllested 2004HyllestedAdam 2004: Greek λωτός ‘lotus’ and the Indo-European words for ‘blue’, in: Clackson and Olsen (eds.): 59-64.
Hyllested et al. (eds.)HyllestedAdam et al. (eds.) 2004: Per aspera ad asteriscos: Studia Indogermanica in honorem Jens Elmegård Rasmussen sexagenarii. Idibus Martiis anno MMIV. Innsbruck.
Ibn Sīrīn 1925Ibn SīrīnAbū Bakr Muḥammad 1925: Achmetis Oneirocriticon. Leipzig.
Irmscher 1950IrmscherJohannes 1950: Götterzorn bei Homer. Leipzig.
Isebaert (ed.)IsebaertLambert (ed.) 1993: Miscellanea linguistica Graeco-Latina. Namur.
Ivanov 1999IvanovVyacheslav V. 1999: Old Novgorodian Nevide, Russian nevidal’ : Greek ἀίδηλος, in: Vyacheslav V. Ivanov and Brent Vine (eds.), UCLA Indo-European Studies, vol. 1. Los Angeles, 283-292.
Ivantchik 1993IvantchikAskold I. 1993: Les Cimmériens au Proche Orient. Fribourg-Göttingen.
Jaberg 1954JabergKarl 1954: Die Schleuder. Zur expressiven Wortgestaltung, in: Redard (ed.): 213-232.
Janda 1997JandaMichael 1997: Über “Stock und Stein”: die indogermanischen Variationen eines universalen Phraseologismus. Dettelbach.
Janda 1999JandaMichael 1999: Ἐνοσίχθων “Erderschütterer”, in: Eichner et al. (eds.): 183-204.
Janda 2000JandaMichael 2000: Eleusis. Das indogermanische Erbe der Mysterie. Innsbruck.
Janda 2005JandaMichael 2005: Σῶμα - σῆμα and Socrates’ snub nose: The new IE root *ti̯ah2- ‘to strike’, paper presented at the Colloquium ‘Indo-European and its neighbours’ in combination with the 2. Indogermanistischer Arbeitstagung Münster/Leiden, Leiden, 6 June 2005.
Janzén 1937JanzénAssar 1937: Bock und Ziege: wortgeschichtliche Untersuchungen. Göteborg.
Jasanoff 2003Jasanoff Jay 2003: Hittite and the Indo-European verb. Oxford.
Jasanoff et al. (eds.)JasanoffJay et al. (eds.) 1998: Mír Curad. Studies in honor of Calvert Watkins. Innsbruck.
Jeffery 1961JefferyLilian Hamilton 1961: The local scripts of archaic Greece. Oxford.
Jēgers 1958JēgersBenjamins 1958: Baltische Etymologien. Bonn.
Johansson 1890JohanssonKarl Ferdinand 1890: Beiträge zur griechischen Sprachkunde. Uppsala.
Jokl 1923JoklNorbert 1923: Linguistisch-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen aus dem Bereiche des Albanischen. Berlin.
Jokl 1937JoklNorbert 1937: Ein Beitrag zur Lehre von der alb. Vertretung der idg. Labiovelare, in: Hjelmslev et al. (eds.): 127-161.
Kahane 1958KahaneHenry and Rene 1958: Two Nautical Terms of Greek Origin: Typhoon and Galley, in: Keller (ed.): 417-440.
Kaibel 1878KaibelGeorg 1878: Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta. Berlin.
Kaibel 1899-1901KaibelGeorg 1899-1901: Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta. Berlin.
Kakridis 1963KakridisHellene 1963: La notion de l’amitié et de l’hospitalité chez Homère. Diss. Paris/Thessaloniki.
Kalén 1918KalénTure 1918: Quaestiones grammaticae graecae (GHÅ 24: 1). Göteborg.
Kalén 1936KalénTure 1936: Ett grekiskt lantbruksord, in: Armini et al. (eds.): 389-414.
Kalléris 1954KallérisJean N. 1954: Les anciens Macédoniens: étude linguistique et historique. Athènes.
von Kamptz 1982KamptzHans von 1982: Homerische Personennamen: sprachwissenschaftliche und historische Klassifikation. Göttingen.
Karl 1968KarlWerner 1968: Chaos und Tartaros in Hesiods Theogonie. Erlangen.
Katz 2003KatzHartmut 2003: Studien zu den älteren indoiranischen Lehnwörtern in den uralischen Sprachen. Heidelberg.
Katz 1998KatzJoshua 1998: How to be a dragon in Indo-European: Hittite illuyankas and its linguistic and cultural congeners in Latin, Greek, and Germanic, in: Jasanoff et al. (eds.): 317-334.
Katz 2004KatzJoshua 2004: Sanskrit sphij- / sphigī́- and Greek *φίκις, in: A. Hyllested et al. (eds.): 277-289.
Kazansky 2005KazanskyNikolai N. 2005: K ètimologii drevnegrečeskogo νήπιος, in: Kazansky et al. (eds.): 232-239.
Kazansky et al. (eds.)KazanskyNikolai N. et al. (eds.) 2005: Hṛdā́ Mánasā. Studies presented to Professor Leonard G. Herzenberg on the occasion of his seventieth birthday. St. Petersburg.
Kazansky (ed.)KazanskyNikolai N. (ed.) 2006: Acta Linguistica Petropolitana II (1). St. Petersburg.
Keller (ed.)KellerHans Erich (ed.) 1958: Etymologica: Walther von Wartburg zum siebzigsten Geburtstag, 18. Mai 1958. Tübingen.
Keller 1887KellerOtto 1887: Thiere des classischen Alterthums in culturgeschichtlicher Beziehung. Innsbruck.
Keller 1909KellerOtto 1909: Die antike Tierwelt 1: Säugetiere. Leipzig.
Keller 1913KellerOtto 1913: Die antike Tierwelt 2: Vögel, Reptilien, Fische, Insekten. Leipzig.
Keuck 1934KeuckKarl 1934: Historia. Geschichte des Wortes und seiner Bedeutungen in der Antike und in den romanischen Sprachen. Diss. Münster.
Kircher-Durand et al. (eds.)Kircher-DurandChantal et al. (eds.) 1994: Nomina rerum. Hommage à Jacqueline Manessy-Guitton. Nice.
Kittel 1935KittelGerhard 1935: Theologisches Wörterbuch zum neuen Testament 2. Stuttgart.
Klein 1988KleinJared S. 1988: PIE *gwiH3- ‘live’, in: Bammesberger (ed.): 257-279.
Klingenschmitt 1974KlingenschmittGert 1974: Griechisch παρθένος, in: Mayrhofer et al. (eds.) 1974: 273-279.
Klingenschmitt 1975KlingenschmittGert 1975: Tocharisch und Urindogermanisch, in: Rix (ed.): 148-163.
Klingenschmitt 1982KlingenschmittGert 1982: Das altarmenische Verbum. Wiesbaden.
Kloekhorst 2008KloekhorstAlwin 2008: Etymological dictionary of the Hittite inherited lexicon. Leiden.
Kluge and Seebold 1989KlugeFriedrich and Elmar Seebold 1989: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache. Berlin.
Knecht 1946KnechtTheodor 1946: Geschichte der griechischen Komposita vom Typ τερψίμβροτος. Biel.
Kock 1880-1888KockTheodor 1880-1888: Comicorum atticorum fragmenta. Leipzig.
Köhler and Baumgartner 1953KöhlerLudwig and Walter Baumgartner 1953: Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti libros. Leiden.
Kölligan 2007KölliganDaniel 2007: Suppletion und Defektivität im griechischen Verbum. Bremen.
Körner 1930KörnerOtto 1930: Die homerische Tierwelt. München.
Kortlandt 1975KortlandtFrederik H.H. 1975: Slavic accentuation. Lisse.
Kortlandt 1992KortlandtFrederik H.H. 1992: The Aeolic optative, in: Beekes et al. (eds.): 235-239.
Kortlandt 2003KortlandtFrederik H.H. 2003: Armeniaca: comparative notes. Ann Arbor.
Krahe 1929KraheHans 1929: Lexikon altillyrischer Personennamen. Heidelberg.
Krahe 1950KraheHans 1950: Das Venetische: seine Stellung im Kreise der verwandten Sprachen. Heidelberg.
Krahe 1954KraheHans 1954: Sprache und Vorzeit. Heidelberg.
Krahe 1955-1964KraheHans 1955-1964: Sprache der Illyrier. Wiesbaden.
Krahe (ed.)KraheHans (ed.) 1955: Corolla linguistica: Festschrift Ferdinand Sommer zum 80. Geburtstag am 4. Mai 1955 dargebracht von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen. Wiesbaden.
Krause 1958KrauseWolfgang 1958: Ein altkretischer Ortsname Bunasos?, in: Brandenstein (ed.): 58-66.
Krause and Thomas 1960KrauseWolfgang and Werner Thomas 1960: Tocharisches Elementarbuch 1: Grammatik. Heidelberg.
Kretschmer 1894KretschmerPaul 1894: Die griechischen Vaseninschriften ihrer Sprache nach untersucht. Gütersloh.
Kretschmer 1896KretschmerPaul 1896: Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache. Göttingen.
Kretschmer 1909KretschmerPaul 1909: Zur griechischen Wortkunde, in: Wiener Eranos: zur fünfzigsten Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner in Graz. Wien, 118-124.
Kretschmer 1921KretschmerPaul 1921: Der Götterbeiname Grabovius auf den Tafeln von Iguvium, in: Festschrift Adalbert Bezzenberger, zum 14. April 1921 dargebracht. Göttingen, 89-96.
Kretschmer 1923KretschmerPaul 1923: Beiträge zur griechischen Lautlehre aus Vaseninschriften, in: ’Αντίδωρον: Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres am 11. Dezember 1923 gewidmet von Schülern, Freunden und Kollegen. Göttingen, 190-196.
Kronasser 1956KronasserHeinz 1956: Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre des Hethitischen. Heidelberg.
Kronasser 1962-1987KronasserHeinz 1962-1987: Etymologie der hethitischen Sprache. Wiesbaden.
Kronasser 1969KronasserHeinz 1969: Heth. mannin(n)i- ‘Halsschmuck’, in: Studia classica et orientalia Antonino Pagliaro oblata 3. Roma, 62-66.
Kronasser (ed.)KronasserHeinz (ed.) 1956: Μνήμης χάριν: Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer, 2 Mai 1866 - 9 März 1956. Wien.
Kroonen 2009KroonenGuus 2009: Consonant and vowel gradation in the Proto-Germanic n-stems. Diss. Leiden.
Krüger and Stephan (eds.)KrügerThomas and Hans-Georg Stephan (eds.) 1980: Beiträge zur Archäologie Nordwestdeutschlands und Mitteleuropas. Hildesheim.
Kuch 1965KuchHeinrich 1965: Philologos. Untersuchungen eines Wortes von seinem ersten Auftreten in der Tradition bis zur ersten überlieferten lexikalischen Festlegung. Berlin.
Kuiper 1937KuiperFranciscus Bernardus Jacobus 1937: Die indogermanischen Nasalpräsentia: ein Versuch zu einer morphologischen Analyse. Amsterdam.
Kuiper 1942KuiperFranciscus Bernardus Jacobus 1942: Notes on Vedic noun-inflexion. Amsterdam.
Kuiper 1948KuiperFranciscus Bernardus Jacobus 1948 : Proto-Munda Words in Sanskrit. Amsterdam.
Kuiper 1954KuiperFranciscus Bernardus Jacobus 1954: Two Rigvedic loanwords, in: Redard (ed.): 241-250.
Kuiper 1956KuiperFranciscus Bernardus Jacobus 1956: The etymology of ἄνθρωπος, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(1): 211-226.
Kuiper 1991KuiperFranciscus Bernardus Jacobus 1991: Aryans in the Rgveda. Amsterdam.
Kümmel 2000aKümmelMartin Joachim 2000a: Der Aorist der Wurzel(n) ar im Indoiranischen, in: Forssman and Plath (eds.): 253-267.
Kümmel 2000bKümmelMartin Joachim 2000b: Das Perfekt im Indoiranischen: eine Untersuchung der Form und Funktion einer ererbten Kategorie des Verbums und ihrer Weiterentwicklung in den altindoiranischen Sprachen. Wiesbaden.
Kusch (ed.)KuschHorst (ed.) 1953: Festschrift Franz Dornseiff zum 65. Geburtstag. Leipzig.
Lacroix 1937LacroixLéon 1937: Ἤπιος, νήπιος, in: Mélanges offerts à A.M. Desrousseaux par ses amis et ses élèves: en l’honneur de sa cinquantième année d’enseignement supérieur (1887-1937). Paris, 261-272.
Lacroix 1938LacroixLéon 1938: Une liste de noms de poissons dans une inscription béotienne, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq II. Bruxelles, 49-56.
de Lagarde 1866LagardePaul Anton de 1866: Gesammelte Abhandlungen. Leipzig.
Lagercrantz 1898LagercrantzOtto 1898: Zur griechischen Lautgeschichte. Uppsala.
Lagercrantz 1913LagercrantzOtto 1913: Papyrus Graecus Holmiensis. Uppsala.
Lagercrantz 1924LagercrantzOtto 1924: Die drei dorischen Phylennamen, in: Streitberg-Festgabe. Leipzig, 218-223.
Lagercrantz 1932LagercrantzOtto 1932: Sophokles O. T. 473-482, in: Nelson (ed.): 143-147.
Lagercrantz 1938LagercrantzOtto 1938: Lat. populus, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq II. Bruxelles, 57-60.
de Lamberterie 1990LamberterieCharles de 1990: Les adjectifs grecs en -υς. Louvain-la-Neuve.
de Lamberterie 1992LamberterieCharles de 1992: Le problème de l’homonymie: les trois verbes ὀφέλλω en grec ancien, in: Létoublon (ed.): 201-217.
de Lamberterie 1996LamberterieCharles de 1996: Latin pignus et la théorie glottalique, in: Rosén (ed.): 135-150.
de Lamberterie 1999LamberterieCharles de 1999: L’adjectif grec ἑδανός ‘suave’, in: Habisreitinger (ed.): 153-166.
de Lamberterie 2004LamberterieCharles de 2004: Sella, subsellium, meretrix: sonantes-voyelles et “effet-Saussure” en grec ancien, in: Penney (ed.): 236-253.
Landfester 1966LandfesterManfred 1966: Das griechische Nomen φίλος und seine Ableitungen. Hildesheim.
Laroche 1949LarocheEmmanuel 1949: Histoire de la racine nem- en grec ancien (Études et commentaires 6). Paris.
Laroche 1960LarocheEmmanuel 1960: “Kubaba déesse anatolienne, et le problème des origines de Cybèle”, in: Éléments orientaux dans la religion grecque ancienne: colloque de Strasbourg, 22-24 mai 1958. Paris, 113-128.
Latacz 1966LataczJoachim 1966: Zum Wortfeld “Freude” in der Sprache Homers. Heidelberg.
Latacz 2001LataczJoachim 2001: Troia und Homer: der Weg zur Lösung eines alten Rätsels. München.
Latte 1953LatteKurt (ed.) 1953ff.: Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, recensuit et emendavit Kurt Latte. Kopenhagen.
Lehmann 1986LehmannWinfred P. 1986: A Gothic etymological dictionary. Leiden.
Lejeune 1939LejeuneMichel 1939: Les adverbes grecs en -θεν. Bordeaux.
Lejeune 1955LejeuneMichel 1955: Traité de phonétique grecque. Paris.
Lejeune 1958LejeuneMichel 1958: Mémoires de philologie mycénienne, 1ère série. Paris.
Lejeune 1964LejeuneMichel 1964: Observations sur l’idéogramme 146, in: Bennett (ed.): 111-124.
Lejeune 1971LejeuneMichel 1971: Mémoires de philologie mycénienne, 2ème série. Roma.
Lejeune 1972LejeuneMichel 1972: Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien. Paris.
Lejeune 1997LejeuneMichel 1997: Mémoires de philologie mycénienne, 4ème série. Roma.
Leroy 1954LeroyMaurice 1954: Présents thématiques grecs en -ē‑, in: Redard (ed.): 279-290.
Leroy 1969LeroyMaurice 1969: Le binarisme, concept moteur de la linguistique, in: Hyet (ed.): 3-18.
Leskien 1884LeskienAugust 1884: Der Ablaut der Wurzelsilben im Litauischen. Leipzig.
Létoublon (ed.)LétoublonFrançoise (ed.) 1992: La langue et les textes en grec ancien: actes du colloque Pierre Chantraine (Grenoble, 5-8 septembre 1989). Amsterdam.
Leukart 1980LeukartAlex 1980: νεᾱνίας und das urgriechische Suffix -ᾱν‑, in: Mayrhofer et al. (eds.) 1980: 238-247.
Leukart 1986LeukartAlex 1986: Homerisch ἀτρύγετος, in: Etter (ed.): 340-345.
Leukart 1994LeukartAlex 1994: Die frühgriechischen Nomina auf -tās und -ās: Untersuchungen zu ihrer Herkunft und Ausbreitung (unter Vergleich mit den Nomina auf ‑eús). Wien.
Leumann 1950LeumannManu 1950: Homerische Wörter. Basel.
Leumann 1954LeumannManu 1954: Die altkirchenslavischen Kiewer Blätter und ihr lateinisches Original, in: Redard (ed.): 291-307.
Leumann 1956LeumannManu 1956: σάος und σῶς, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(2): 8-14
Leumann 1959LeumannManu 1959: Kleine Schriften. Zürich.
Leumann 1963-1979LeumannManu 1963-1979: Lateinische Grammatik. München.
Leumann 1977LeumannManu 1977: Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre. München.
Lewy 1953LewyErnst 1953: Griechisch-Irisches, in: Kusch (ed.) 1953: 226-227.
Lewy 1895LewyHeinrich 1895: Die semitischen Fremdwörter im Griechischen. Berlin.
Lidén 1892LidénEvald 1892: Smärre språkhistoriska bidrag, in: Uppsalastudier tillegnade Sophus Bugge på hans 60-åra födelsedag den 5 Jan. 1893. Uppsala, 79-96.
Lidén 1897LidénEvald 1897: Studien zur altindischen und vergleichenden Sprachgeschichte. Uppsala.
Lidén 1899LidénEvald 1899: Ein baltisch-slavisches Anlautgesetz (GHÅ 5:4). Göteborg.
Lidén 1906LidénEvald 1906: Armenische Studien. Göteborg.
Lidén 1916LidénEvald 1916: Zum Tocharischen, in: Aufsätze zur Kultur- und Sprachgeschichte vornehmlich des Orients: Ernst Kuhn zum 70. Geburtstag am 7. Februar 1916 gewidmet von Freunden und Schülern. Breslau, 139-146.
Lidén 1924LidénEvald 1924: Griechische Worterklärungen, in: Streitberg Festgabe. Leipzig, 224-229.
Lidén 1932LidénEvald 1932: Griech. ἄμπυξ - awest. pusā, in: Nelson (ed.): 148-151.
Lidén 1937LidénEvald 1937: Wortgeschichtliches, in: Hjelmslev et al. (eds.): 88-94.
Lindsay 1974LindsayRobert Leeson Jack 1974: Helen of Troy: woman and goddess. London.
von Lippmann 1919LippmannEdmund Oskar von 1919: Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie 1. Berlin.
Lobeck 1837LobeckChristian August 1837: Paralipomena grammaticae Graecae. Leipzig.
Lobeck 1843LobeckChristian August 1843: Pathologiae sermonis Graeci prolegomena. Leipzig.
Locher 1963LocherJan Peter 1963: Untersuchungen zu ἱερός hauptsächlich bei Homer. Bern.
Lochner von Hüttenbach 1960Lochner von HüttenbachFritz 1960: Die Pelasger. Wien.
Lochner von Hüttenbach 1967Lochner von HüttenbachFritz 1967: Zum Namen der Habergeiß, in: Meid (ed.): 51-56.
Loenen 1948LoenenDirk 1948: Dikè. Een historisch-semantische analyse. Amsterdam.
Lokotsch 1927LokotschKarl 1927: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der europäischen (germanischen, romanischen und slavischen) Wörter orientalischen Ursprungs. Heidelberg.
Lommel 1912LommelH. 1912: Studien über indogermanische Femininbildungen. Göttingen.
Lubotsky 1988LubotskyAlexander 1988: The system of nominal accentuation in Sanskrit and Proto-Indo-European. Leiden.
Lubotsky 1989LubotskyAlexander 1989: Against a Proto-Indo-European phoneme *a, in: Th. Vennemann (ed.), The new sound of Indo‑European, Essays in phonological reconstruction. Berlin ‑ New York, 53‑66.
Lubotsky 1990LubotskyAlexander 1990: La loi de Brugmann et *H3e‑, in: La reconstruction des laryngales. Liège, 129‑136.
Lubotsky 1995LubotskyAlexander 1995: Reflexes of intervocalic laryngeals in Sanskrit, in: Smoczyński (ed.): 213-33.
Lubotsky 1998LubotskyAlexander 1998: New Phrygian metrics and the δεως ζεμελως formula, in Jasanoff et al. (eds.): 413-421.
Lubotsky 2000aLubotskyAlexander 2000a: The Vedic root vr̥- ‘to cover’ and its present, in: Forssman and Plath (eds.): 315-325.
Lubotsky 2000bLubotskyAlexander 2000b: Indo-Aryan ‘six’, in: Ofitsch and Zinko (eds.): 255-261.
Lubotsky 2006LubotskyAlexander 2006: Indo-European ‘heel’, in: Bomba et al. (eds.): 1006-1010.
Lubotsky (ed.)LubotskyAlexander (ed.) 1997: Sound law and analogy : papers in honor of Robert S. P. Beekes on the occasion of his 60th birthday. Amsterdam.
Lubotsky et al. (eds.)LubotskyAlexander et al. (eds.) 2008: Evidence and counter-evidence: essays in honour of Frederik Kortlandt. Amsterdam.
Luther 1935LutherWilhelm 1935: “Wahrheit” und “Lüge” im ältesten Griechentum. Leipzig.
Luther 1954LutherWilhelm 1954: Weltansicht und Geistesleben. Göttingen.
Machek 1958MachekVaclav 1958: Une douzaine de graeco-slavica, in: Beševliev and Georgiev (eds.): 49-56.
Mahlow 1927MahlowGeorg Heinrich 1927: Neue Wege durch die griechische Sprache und Dichtung. Leipzig.
Malten 1961MaltenLudolf 1961: Sprache des menschlichen Antlitzes im frühen Griechentum. Berlin.
Manessy-Guitton 1970Manessy-GuittonJacqueline 1970: Grec δῆνος, Sanscrit dáṃsas, in: Philologie, histoire et littératures anciennes (Annales de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Nice). Paris, 3-14.
Mannhardt 1877MannhardtWilhelm 1877: Wald- und Feldkulte. Berlin.
Manolessou and Pantelidis 2008Manolessou and PantelidisProbleme der relativen Chronologie am Beispiel des Frühgriechischen. Paper read at the 13th Fachtagung der indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Salzburg, September 22-27, 2008.
Mansion 1904MansionJoseph 1904: Les gutturales grecques. Gent/Paris.
Maresch 1956MareschGustav 1956: Etruskisch avil, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(2): 36-39
Marg 1938MargWalter 1938: Der Charakter in der Sprache der frühgriechischen Dichtung. Würzburg.
Marinatos 1967MarinatosSpyridon 1967: Kleidung, Haar- und Barttracht (Archeologica Homerica 1). Göttingen.
Martirosyan 2008MartirosyanHrach 2008: Studies in Armenian etymology with special emphasis on dialects and culture. Diss. Leiden.
Martirosyan 2010MartirosyanHrach 2010: Etymological dictionary of the Armenian inherited lexicon. Leiden.
Marxer 1935MarxerGertrud 1935: Sprache des Apollonius Rhodius in ihren Beziehungen zu Homer. Diss. Zürich.
Marzullo 1963MarzulloBenedetto 1963: La “coppia contigua” nella glossografia di Esichio, in: Studia classica et orientalia Antonino Pagliaro oblata 3. Roma, 85-105.
Marzullo 1970MarzulloBenedetto 1970: Il problema Omerico. Milano-Napoli.
Masson 1967MassonEmilia 1967: Recherches sur les plus ancien emprunts sémitiques en grec. Paris.
Masson 1961MassonOlivier 1961: Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques: recueil critique et commenté par Olivier Masson. Diss. Paris.
Masson 1962MassonOlivier 1962: Les fragments du poète Hipponax. Paris.
Masson 1992MassonOlivier 1992: L’apport de l’anthroponymie grecque à l’étymologie et à l’histoire des mots, in: Létoublon (ed.): 257-266.
Masson 2000MassonOlivier 2000: Onomastica graeca selecta. Tome III, introduction et index par Catharine Dobias et Laurent Dubois. Genève.
Matasović 2009MatasovićRanko 2009: Etymological dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden.
Mayer 1938MayerAnton 1938: Idg. *ned- “tönen”, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq II. Bruxelles, 131-140.
Mayrhofer 1952MayrhoferManfred 1952: Studien zur indogermanischen Grundsprache. Innsbruck.
Mayrhofer 1956MayrhoferManfred 1956: ἀσκός, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(2): 36-39
Mayrhofer 1969MayrhoferManfred 1969: Das angebliche iranische Etymon des Amazonen-Namens, in: Studi linguistici in onore di Vittore Pisani 2. Brescia, 661-666.
Mayrhofer KEWAMayrhoferManfred KEWA: Kurzgefaßtes etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen. Heidelberg, 1956-1980.
Mayrhofer EWAiaMayrhoferManfred EWAia: Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen, 3 vols. Heidelberg, 1986-2002.
Mayrhofer et al. (eds.) 1974MayrhoferManfred et al. (eds.) 1974: Antiquitates Indogermanicae, Gedenkschrift für Hermann Güntert. Innsbruck.
Mayrhofer et al. (eds.) 1980MayrhoferManfred et al. (eds.) 1980: Lautgeschichte und Etymologie: Akten der VI. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Wien, 24.-29. September 1978. Wiesbaden.
Mayser 1906-1938MayserEdwin 1906-1938: Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit: mit Einschluss der gleichzeitigen Ostraka und der in Ägypten verfassten Inschriften. I: 1-3, II: 1-3. Berlin and Leipzig.
Mayser and Schmoll 1970MayserEdwin and Hans Schmoll 1970: Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit. Berlin.
Meid (ed.)MeidWolfgang (ed.) 1967: Beiträge zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie: Julius Pokorny zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet. Innsbruck.
Meier-Brügger 1992aMeier-BrüggerMichael 1992a: Griechische Sprachwissenschaft 1. Berlin.
Meier-Brügger 1992bMeier-BrüggerMichael 1992b: A propos de la partie étymologique du dictionnaire de Chantraine, in: Létoublon (ed.): 267-272.
Meier-Brügger 2000Meier-BrüggerMichael 2000: Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft. Berlin.
Meier-Brügger 2002Meier-BrüggerMichael 2002: Zu griechisch χορός, in: M. Fritz et al. (eds.), Novalis Indogermanica: Festschrift für Günter Neumann zum 80. Geburtstag. Graz, 297-303.
Meillet 1924MeilletAntoine 1924: À propos du verbe wegen et des substantifs Wagen, Weg en allemand, in: Mélanges offerts à M. Charles Andler par ses amis et ses élèves. Strasbourg, 249-255.
Meillet 1936MeilletAntoine 1936: Esquisse d’une grammaire comparée de l’arménien classique. Vienne2.
Meiser 1998MeiserGerhard 1998: Historische Laut- und Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache. Darmstadt.
Meiser (ed.)MeiserGerhard (ed.) 1993: Indogermanica et Italica. Festschrift für Helmut Rix zum 65. Geburtstag. Innsbruck.
Meiser et al. (eds.)MeiserGerhard and Olav Hackstein (eds.) 2005: Sprachkontakt und Sprachwandel. Akten der XI. Fachtagung der indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 17.-23. September 2000, Halle an der Saale.
Meister 1921MeisterKarl 1921: Die homerische Kunstsprache. Darmstadt.
Meister 1893MeisterRichard 1893: Die Mimiamben des Herodas. Leipzig.
Meisterhans 1900MeisterhansKonrad 1900: Grammatik der attischen Inschriften. Berlin3.
Melchert 1993MelchertH. Craig 1993: Cuneiform Luvian Lexicon. Chapel Hill (N. C.).
Melchert 2003MelchertH. Craig 2003: Hittite nominal stems in -anzan‑, in: E. Tichy et al. (eds.), Indo-germanisches Nomen. Akten der Arbeitstagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft (Freiburg 19. bis 21. September 2001). Bremen, 129-139.
Melchert 2004MelchertH. Craig 2004: Greek mólybdos as a loanword from Lydian, in: Collins et al. (eds.): 153-158.
Melchert 2007MelchertH. Craig 2007: PIE *h2esp- ‘to cut’, in: Nussbaum (ed.): 253‑258.
Melchert fthc.MelchertH. Craig fthc.: Hittite %ḫar(ap)p- and derivatives, in: J. Klinger, E. Rieken, Chr. Rüster (eds.), Investigationes Anatolicae. Gedenkschrift für Erich Neu.
Mendner 1956MendnerSiegfried 1956: Das Ballspiel im Leben der Völker. Münster.
Merlingen 1955MerlingenWeriand 1955: Das Vorgriechische und die sprachwissenschaftlich-vorhistorischen Grundlagen. Wien.
Merlingen 1956MerlingenWeriand 1956: Idg. “þ” und Verwandtes, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(2): 49-61
Meuli 1946MeuliKarl 1946: Griechische Opferbräuche, in: Gigon, Olov et al. (eds.): 185-287.
Meyer 1891MeyerGustav 1891: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der albanesischen Sprache. Strassburg.
Meyer 1892MeyerGustav 1892: Albanesische Studien III: Lautlehre der indogermanischen Bestandtheile des Albanesischen Zahlwörter. Wien.
Meyer 1896MeyerGustav 1896: Griechische Grammatik. Leipzig.
Meyer-Lübke 1911-1920Meyer-LübkeWilhelm 1911-1920: Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.
Monteil 1963MonteilPierre 1963: La phrase relative en Grec ancien: sa formation, son developpement, sa structure des origines a la fin du Ve siecle A.C. Paris.
Moorhouse 1959MoorhouseAlfred Charles 1959: Studies in the Greek negatives. Cardiff.
Morgenstierne 1927MorgenstierneGeorg 1927: An etymological vocabulary of Pashto. Oslo.
Morpurgo Davies 1963Morpurgo DaviesAnna##: : 1963: Mycenaeae Graecitatis Lexicon. Rome.
Mugler 1958-1959MuglerCharles 1958-1959: Dictionnaire historique de la terminologie géométrique des Grecs. Paris.
Muller 1926MullerFrederik M. Jzn. 1926: Altitalisches Wörterbuch. Göttingen.
Mylonas and Raymond 1953MylonasGeorge E. and Doris Raymond (eds.) 1953: Studies presented to David Moore Robinson on his seventieth birthday. Saint Louis.
Narten 1968NartenJohanna 1968: Zum “proterodynamischen” Wurzelpräsens, in: Heesterman et al. (eds.): 97-107.
Narten 1986NartenJohanna 1986: Griechisch ὀξύς und das vedische Verb akṣ‑, in: Etter (ed.): 204-214.
Nelson (ed.)NelsonAxel (ed.) 1932: Symbolae philologicae O.A. Danielsson octogenario dicatae. Uppsala.
Neri 2007NeriSergio 2007: Cadere e abbattere in indoeuropeo. Sull’ etimologia di tedesco fallen, latino aboleo e greco ἀπόλλυμι. Innsbruck.
Neu 1987NeuErich 1987: Der Wortschatz des Hethitischen aus synchroner und diachroner Sicht, in: W. Meid (ed.), Studien zum indogermanischen Wortschatz. Innsbruck, 167-188.
Neu 1988NeuErich 1988: Das Hurritische: eine altorientalische Sprache in neuem Licht. Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jg. 1988, Nr. 3. Mainz.
Neumann 1961NeumannGünter 1961: Untersuchungen zum Weiterleben hethitischen und luwischen Sprachgutes in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit. Wiesbaden.
Neumann 1967NeumannGünter 1967: Kretisch γλαβρήνη - die Päonie, in: Brice (ed.): 229-235.
Neumann 1983NeumannGünter 1983: Zur Deutung einiger mykenischer Personennamen, in: A. Heubeck and G. Neumann (eds.), Res Mycenaeae. Akten des VII. internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Nürnberg vom 6.-10. April 1981. Göttingen 1983, 328-334.
Neumann 1986NeumannGünter 1986: Griechisch δοῦλος “Sklave”, in: Etter (ed.): 489-496.
Neumann 1999NeumannGünter 1999: δουμος: Belege, Bedeutungen, Herkunft, Etymologie, in: Eggers (ed.): 345-353.
Niedermann 1918NiedermannMax 1918: Essais d’étymologie et de critique verbale latines. Neuchâtel.
Niedermann 1927-1928NiedermannMax 1927-1928: De quelques noms indo-européens du millet, in: Taszycki (ed.), 109-117.
Nikolaev 2005NikolaevAlexander S. 2005: K dejstviju zakona Riksa v drevnegrečeskom jazyke, in: Kazansky et al. (eds.): 38-72.
Nikolaev 2006NikolaevAlexander S. 2006: Ἰᾱ́ονες, in: Kazansky (ed.): 100-115.
Nikolaev 2007NikolaevAlexander S. 2007: The name of Achilles, in: George et al. (eds.): 162-173.
Nilsson 1906NilssonMartin Persson 1906: Griechische Feste von religiöser Bedeutung: mit Ausschluss der attischen. Leipzig.
Nilsson 1920NilssonMartin Persson 1920: Primitive time-reckoning: a study in the origins and first development of the art of counting time among the primitive and early culture peoples. Lund.
Nilsson 1941NilssonMartin Persson 1941: Geschichte der griechischen Religion 1: Die Religion Griechenlands bis auf die griechische Weltherrschaft. München.
Nilsson 1951NilssonMartin Persson 1951: Cults, myths, oracles, and politics in ancient Greece: with two appendices: The Ionian phylae, The phratries. Studies in Mediterranean archaeology 44. Göteborg.
Nilsson 1955NilssonMartin Persson 1955: Geschichte der griechischen Religion 1. München2.
Nussbaum 1986NussbaumAlan J. 1986: Head and horn in Indo-European. Berlin.
Nussbaum 1997NussbaumAlan J. 1997: The Saussure Effect in Latin and Italic, in: Lubotsky (ed.): 181-204.
Nussbaum 1998NussbaumAlan J. 1998: Two studies in Greek and Homeric linguistics. Göttingen.
Nussbaum 1999NussbaumAlan J. 1999: *Jocidus: An account of the Latin adjectives in -idus, in: Eichner et al. (eds.): 377-419.
Nussbaum (ed.)NussbaumAlan J. (ed.) 2007: Verba Docenti. Studies in historical and Indo-European linguistics presented to Jay H. Jasanoff by students, colleagues, and friends. Ann Arbor etc.
Oettinger 1979OettingerNorbert 1979: Die Stammbildung des hethitischen Verbums. Nürnberg.
Oettinger 1998OettingerNorbert 1998: Wiesel und Gevatterin: Zu einem semantischen Problem, in: Anreiter et al. (eds.): 649-654.
Oettinger 2008aOettingerNorbert 2008a: An Indo-European custom of sacrifice in Greece and elsewhere, in: Lubotsky et al. (eds.): 403-414.
Oettinger 2008bOettingerNorbert 2008b: The seer Mopsos as a historical figure, in: Collins et al. (eds.): 63-66.
Ofitsch and Zinko (eds.)OfitschMichaela and Christian Zinko (eds.) 2000: 125 Jahre Indogermanistik in Graz. Graz.
Ölberg et al. (eds.)ÖlbergHermann M. et al. (eds.) 1985: Sprachwissenschaftliche Forschungen: Festschrift für Johann Knobloch zum 65. Geburtstag am 5. Januar 1984 dargebracht von Freunden und Kollegen. Innsbruck.
Olivier (ed.)OlivierJean-Pierre (ed.) 1992: Mykenaïka: actes du IXe Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens organisé par le Centre de l’Antiquité Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Hellénique des Recherches Scientifiques et l’École Française d’Athènes. Paris.
Onians 1951OniansRichard Broxton 1951: The origins of European thought about the body, the mind, the soul, the world, time and fate: new interpretations of Greek, Roman and kindred evidence, also of some basic Jewish and Christian beliefs. Cambridge.
Osthoff 1884OsthoffHermann 1884: Zur Geschichte des Perfekts im Indogermanischen mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Griechisch und Lateinisch. Straßburg.
Osthoff 1901OsthoffHermann 1901: Etymologische Parerga 1. Leipzig.
Page 1959PageDenys L. 1959: History and the Homeric Iliad. Sather classical lectures, vol 31. Berkeley.
Palmer 1962PalmerLeonard R. 1962: The Language of Homer, in: Wace et al. (eds.): 75-178.
Palmer 1963PalmerLeonard R. 1963: The interpretation of Mycenaean Greek texts. Oxford.
Palmer and Chadwick (eds.)PalmerLeonard R. and John Chadwick (eds.) 1966: Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies. Cambridge.
Panagl 1992PanaglOswald 1992: Mykenische Fossilien in Homertext? Zur Deutung von ἁρματοπηγός und ἁρματροχιή, in: Brogyanyi et al. (eds.): 137-146.
Pape and Benseler 1911PapeWilhelm and Gustav Eduard Benseler 1911: W. Pape’s Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen. Braunschweig.
Pedersen 1909PedersenHolger 1909: Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen I: Einleitung und Lautlehre. Göttingen.
Pedersen 1913PedersenHolger 1913: Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen II: Bedeutungslehre (Wortlehre). Göttingen.
Pedersen 1926PedersenHolger 1926: La cinquième déclinaison latine. Kopenhagen.
Pedersen 1938PedersenHolger 1938: Hittitisch und die anderen indoeuropäischen Sprachen. Kopenhagen.
Pedersen 1941PedersenHolger 1941: Tocharisch vom Gesichtspunkt der indoeuropäischen Sprachvergleichung. Kopenhagen.
Peek 1897PeekWerner 1897: Griechische Vers-Inschriften Bd. I: Grab-Epigramme. Verzeichnis der Gedicht-Anfänge und vergleichende Übersicht zu den griechischen Vers-Inschriften. Berlin.
Penney (ed.)PenneyJohn H. W. (ed.) 2004: Indo-European perspectives: studies in honour of Anna Morpurgo Davies. Oxford.
Perpillou 1973PerpillouJean-Louis 1973: Les substantifs grecs en -εύς. Paris.
Perpillou 1996PerpillouJean-Louis 1996: Recherches lexicales en grec ancien: étymologie, analogie, représentations. Louvain.
Persson 1891PerssonPer 1891: Studien zur Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung und Wurzelvariation. Upsala Universitets årsskrift, 1891, 4. Uppsala.
Persson 1912PerssonPer 1912: Beiträge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (I, II). Skrifter utgifna af Kongl. Humanistiska Vetenskaps-Samfundet i Upsala, 10. Uppsala.
Peters 1980aPetersMartin 1980a: Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen. Sitzungsberichte Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 377. Band. Wien.
Peters 1980bPetersMartin 1980b: Attisch τραῦμα: griechische Etymologie und indogermanische Labiolaryngale, in: Mayrhofer et al. (eds.) 1980: 328-352.
Peters 1986PetersMartin 1986: Zur frage einer ‘achäischen’ Phase des griechischen Epos, in: Etter (ed.): 303-319.
Peters 1989PetersMartin 1989: Sprachliche Studien zum Frühgriechischen. Habilitationsschrift Wien.
Peters 1993aPetersMartin 1993a: Ein weiterer Fall für das Rixsche Gesetz, in: Meiser (ed.): 373-405.
Peters 1993bPetersMartin 1993b: Beiträge zur griechischen Etymologie, in: Isebaert (ed.): 85-114.
Petersen 1937PetersenWalter 1937: Hethitische Lautprobleme, in: Hjelmslev et al. (eds.): 471-479.
Petersson 1918PeterssonHerbert 1918: Baltische und slavische Wortstudien. Lund.
Petersson 1921PeterssonHerbert 1921: Studien über die indogermanische Heteroklisie. Lund.
Petersson 1922PeterssonHerbert 1922: Griechische und lateinische Wortstudien. Lund.
Petersson 1923PeterssonHerbert 1923: Etymologische Miszellen. Lund.
Petit 1999PetitDaniel 1999: *Su̯e- en grec ancien: la famille du pronom réfléchi: linguistique grecque et comparaison indo-européenne. Leuven.
Pfeiffer 1949-1953PfeifferRudolf 1949-1953: Callimachus. Vol. I: Fragmenta. Vol. II: Hymni et epigrammata. Oxford.
Pfister 1938PfisterFriedrich 1938: Kairos und Symmetrie, in: R. Herbig (ed.), Würzburger Festgabe, Heinrich Bulle dargebracht zum siebzigsten Geburtstag am 11. Dezember 1937. Stuttgart, 131-150.
Picard 1935PicardCh. 1935: Dionysos Psilax, in: Berthelot (ed.): 317-338.
Pinault 1982PinaultGeorge-Jean 1982: A neglected phonetic law: the reduction of the Indo-European laryngeals in internal syllables before yod, in: A. Ahlqvist (ed.), Papers from the 5th International Conference on Historical Linguistics (Galway, April 1981). Amsterdam, 265-272.
Pinault 1996PinaultGeorge-Jean 1996: La base radicale sat- et la notion de loi dans les hymnes védiques, in: Fezas et al. (eds.) Langue, style et structure dans le monde indien: centenaire de Louis Renou: actes du Colloque international. Paris, 33-69.
Pinault 1997PinaultGeorge-Jean 1997: Remarque sur le pluriel tokh. B akrūna, A ākrunt, in: Lubotsky (ed.): 219-233.
Pinault 2007PinaultGeorge-Jean 2007: A star is born: A ‘new’ PIE *-ter- suffix, in: Nussbaum (ed.): 271-279.
Pinsent 1983PinsentJ. 1983: ἑταῖρος / ἕταρον in the Iliad, in: Mélanges Édouard Delebecque. Aix-en-Provence, 311-318.
Pisani 1938PisaniVittore 1938: Sulla radice ΠΛΙΧ‑, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq II. Bruxelles, 181-192.
Pisani 1959PisaniVittore 1959: Saggi di linguistica storica: scritti scelti. Torino.
Plath 1999PlathRobert 1999: 25 bekannte mykenische Wörter - neu gedeutet. I: a-pi-qo-to. II: ta-ti-qo-we-u, in: Deger-Jalkotzy et al. (eds.): 503-519.
Plath 2000PlathRobert 2000: Zur Etymologie der altindoarischen Wurzel TOJ, in: Forssman et al. (eds.): 409-423.
Podborský (ed. )PodborskýVladimír (ed. ) 1991: Palaeograeca et Mycenaea: Antonino Bartoněk quinque et sexagenario oblata. Brno.
Porzig 1942PorzigWalter 1942: Die Namen für Satzinhalte im Griechischen und im Indogermanischen. Berlin.
Porzig 1954aPorzigWalter 1954a: Die Gliederung des indogermanischen Sprachgebiets. Heidelberg.
Porzig 1954bPorzigWalter 1954b: Alt und jung, alt und neu, in: Redard (ed.): 343-350.
Porzig 1960PorzigWalter 1960: Altitalische Sprachgeographie, in: Hartmann and Neumann (eds.): 170-189.
Powell 1925PowellJohn Undershell 1925: Collectanea Alexandrina: reliquiae minores poetarum graecorum aetatis Ptolemaicae 323-146 A.C.: epicorum, elegiacorum, lyricorum, ethicorum: cum epimetris et indice nominum. Oxford.
Preisigke 1925PreisigkeFriedrich P. 1925: Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden mit Einschluß der griechischen Inschriften, Aufschriften, Ostraka, Mumienschilder usw. aus Ägypten 1-3. Berlin.
Prellwitz 1892PrellwitzWalther 1892: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der griechischen Sprache. Göttingen.
Prellwitz 1905PrellwitzWalther 1905: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der griechischen Sprache. Göttingen2.
Pronk 2009PronkTijmen 2009: The Saussure-Effect in Indo-European languages, other than Greek. Paper read at the conference “The Sound of Indo-European”. Copenhagen.
Pronk fthc.aPronkTijmen fthc.a: On Greek αὐχμός ‘drought’ and αὐχήν ‘neck’. Glotta.
Pronk fthc.bPronkTijmen fthc.b: Sanskrit (v)r̥ṣabhá‑, Greek ἄρσην, ἔρσην: the spraying bull of Indo-European? KZ.
Pronk fthc.cPronkTijmen fthc.c: On the accentuation of initial *Hu, *Hi and diphthongs in Baltic and Slavic, in: Accent Matters: Papers on Baltic and Slavic Accentology (= Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics 37), Amsterdam.
Puhvel 1957PuhvelJaan 1957: The sea in Hittite texts, in: E. Pulgram (ed.), Studies presented to Joshua Whatnough on his sixtieth birthday. ’s-Gravenhage, 1967.
Puhvel HEDPuhvelJaan HED: Hittite etymological dictionary. Berlin, 1984‑.
Puhvel 1987aPuhvelJaan 1987a: All our ‘yesterdays’, in: Cardona (ed.): 315-318.
Puhvel 1987bPuhvelJaan 1987b: Comparative mythology. Baltimore.
Radt 1958RadtStefan Lorenz 1958: Pindars zweiter und sechster Paian: Text, Scholien und Kommentar. Amsterdam.
Redard 1949RedardGeorges 1949: Les noms grecs en -της, -τις, et principalement en -ίτης, -ῖτις: étude philologique et linguistique. Paris.
Redard 1953RedardGeorges 1953: Recherches sur χρή, χρῆσθαι. Étude sémantique. Paris.
Redard (ed.)RedardGeorges (ed.) 1954: Sprachgeschichte und Wortbedeutung: Festschrift Albert Debrunner gewidmet von Schülern, Freunden und Kollegen. Bern.
Rein 1996ReinMary Jane 1996: Phrygian Matar: Emergence of an iconographic type, in: Eugene N. Lane (ed.), Cybele, Attis and related cults: essays in memory of M.J. Vermaseren. Leiden.
Reiter 1962ReiterGerhard 1962: Die griechischen Bezeichnungen der Farben Weiss, Grau und Braun: eine Bedeutungsuntersuchung. Commentationes Aenipontanae, 16. Innsbruck.
Reitzenstein 1897ReitzensteinRichard 1897: Geschichte der griechischen Etymologika: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Philologie in Alexandria und Byzanz. Leipzig.
Renou 1937RenouLouis 1937: Monographies sanskrites II: Le suffixe -tu- et la constitution des infinitifs. Paris.
Restelli 1969RestelliGiuseppe 1969: Epirotico ΓΝΩΣΚΩ e il problema della posizione linguistica dell’antico epirotico, in: Studi linguistici in onore di Vittore Pisani. Brescia, 815-830.
Ribezzo 1929RibezzoFrancesco 1929: Sulla formazione del femminile in e in -ā nell’ indoeuropea, in: Teeuwen (ed.): 347-356.
Richel 1936RichelAlbert 1936: Worte für Erde, Boden, Land und Erdoberflächengebiete in der homerischen Sprache: Untersuchung eines Sinnbezirks in seiner sprachbegrifflichen Gliederung und Ordnung. Frankfurt.
Risch 1937RischErnst 1937: Wortbildung der homerischen Sprache. Berlin.
Risch 1947RischErnst 1947: Namensdeutungen und Worterklärungen bei den ältesten griechischen Dichtern, in: von Salis (ed.): 72-91.
Risch 1954RischErnst 1954: Der homerische Typus ἱππότα Νέστωρ und μητίετα Ζεύς, in: Redard (ed.): 389-398.
Rix 1976RixHelmut 1976: Historische Grammatik des Griechischen: Laut- und Formenlehre. Darmstadt.
Rix 1985RixHelmut 1985: Sudor und sidus, in: Ölberg et al. (eds.): 339-350.
Rix 1994RixHelmut 1994: Die Termini der Unfreiheit in den Sprachen Alt-Italiens. Stuttgart.
Rix (ed.)RixHelmut (ed.) 1975: Flexion und Wortbildung: Akten der Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft Regensburg, 9-14 September 1973. Wiesbaden.
Robert 1944RobertFritz 1944: Grec ὄρνις et ses dérivés, in: De la Harpe et al. (eds.): 67-71.
Robert 1937RobertLouis 1937: Études anatoliennes: recherches sur les inscriptions grecques de l’Asie mineure. Paris.
Robert 1938RobertLouis 1938: Études épigraphiques et philologiques. Paris.
Robert 1963RobertLouis 1963: Noms indigènes dans l’Asie-Mineure gréco-romaine. Paris.
Robert 1964RobertLouis 1964: Les stèles funéraires de Byzance gréco-romaine. Paris.
Robert 1969RobertLouis 1969: Opera Minora Selecta: épigraphie et antiquités grecques, Vol. II. Amsterdam.
Rohlfs 1930RohlfsGerhard 1930: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der unteritalienischen Gräzität. Halle an der Saale.
Rohlfs 1958RohlfsGerhard 1958: Messapisches und Griechisches aus dem Salento, in: Brandenstein (ed.): 121-128.
Rolle 1980RolleRenate 1980: Oiorpata, in: Krüger and Stephan (eds.), 275-294.
Rosén (ed.)RosénHaiim (ed.) 1996: Aspects of Latin. Innsbruck.
Röttger 1937RöttgerGerhard 1937: Studien zur platonischen Substantivbildung. Würzburg.
Rougé 1966RougéJean 1966: Recherches sur l’organisation du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous l’Empire Romain. Paris.
Roux 1970-1972RouxJeanne 1970-1972: Les Bacchantes, Euripide. I: Introduction, texte grec, traduction; II: Commentaire. Paris.
Ruijgh 1957RuijghCornelis Jord 1957: L’élément achéen dans la langue épique. Assen.
Ruijgh 1967RuijghCornelis Jord 1967: Études sur la grammaire et le vocabulaire du grec mycénien. Amsterdam.
Ruijgh 1971RuijghCornelis Jord 1971: Autour de ‘τε épique’: études sur la syntaxe grecque. Amsterdam.
Ruijgh 1980RuijghCornelis Jord 1980: Le problème du degré zéro dans les adverbes du type κάρτ-α et dans d’autres types morphologiques, in: Hommages à M. Leroy. Bruxelles, 189-198.
Ruijgh 1988RuijghCornelis Jord 1988: Observations sur les traitements des laryngales en grec préhistorique, in: Bammesberger (ed.): 443-469.
Ruijgh 1991aRuijghCornelis Jord 1991a: L’étymologie de l’adjectif ἀγαθός, in: Podborský (ed.): 131-148.
Ruijgh 1991bRuijghCornelis Jord 1991b: Scripta minora ad linguam Graecam pertinentia, Vol. I. Amsterdam.
Ruijgh 1995RuijghCornelis Jord 1995: D’Homère aux origines proto-mycéniennes de la tradition épique, in: Crielaard, Jan Paul (ed.), Homeric Questions. Amsterdam.
Ruijgh 1996RuijghCornelis Jord 1996: Scripta minora ad linguam Graecam pertinentia, Vol. II. Amsterdam.
Ruipérez 1972RuipérezMartin S. 1972: Ἠλέκτωρ et ἤλεκτρον, “ambre”, in: Bader et al. (eds.): 231-242.
Sadnik-Aizetmüller 1955Sadnik-AizetmüllerLinda and Rudolf Aitzetmüller 1955: Handwörterbuch zu den altkirchenslavischen Texten. ’s-Gravenhage.
de Saint-Denis 1947Saint-DenisEugène de 1947: Le vocabulaire des animaux marins en latin classique. Études et commentaires 2. Paris.
de Sainte Croix 1972Sainte CroixGeoffrey E. M. de 1972: The origins of the Peloponnesian War. London.
Sakellariou 1967SakellariouMichel B. 1967: Les tribus ioniennes-attiques, in: Brice (ed.): 294-302.
von Salis (ed.)SalisArnold von (ed.) 1947: Eumusia: Festgabe für Ernst Howald zum sechzigsten Geburtstag am 20 April 1947. Erlenbach, Zürich.
Sandoz 1971SandozClaude 1971: Les noms grecs de la forme: étude linguistique. Neuchâtel.
Sandsjoe 1918SandsjoeG. 1918: Die Adjektive auf -αιος. Diss. Uppsala.
de Saussure 1879SaussureFerdinand de 1879: Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles dans les langues indo-européennes. Leipzig.
de Saussure 1922SaussureFerdinand de 1922: Recueil des publications scientifiques. Genève.
Schachermeyr 1950SchachermeyrFritz 1950: Poseidon und die Entstehung des griechischen Götterglaubens. Bern.
Scheller 1951SchellerMeinrad 1951: Die Oxytonierung der griechischen Substantiva auf -ιά. Zürich.
Scherer 1953SchererAnton 1953: Gestirnnamen bei den indogermanischen Völkern. Indogermanische Bibliothek 1. Heidelberg.
Schindler 1972SchindlerJochem 1972: Das Wurzelnomen im Arischen und Griechischen. Diss. Würzburg.
Schindler 1975SchindlerJochem 1975: Zum Ablaut der neutralen s-Stämme des Indogermanischen, in: Rix (ed.): 259-267.
Schindler 1987SchindlerJochem 1987: Zur avestischen Kompositionslehre: aš.- ‘groß’, in: Cardona (ed.): 337-348.
Schmeja 1968SchmejaHans 1968: Zur griechischen Wortbildung. Die Nomina auf -ωλός, -ωλή, -ωλον, in: Mayrhofer et al. (eds.), Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft und Kulturkunde: Gedenkschrift für Wilhelm Brandenstein (1898-1967). Innsbruck, 129-138.
Schmid 1950SchmidSiegfried 1950: -εος und -ειος bei den griechischen Stoffadjektiven. Frauenfeld (Diss. Zürich).
Schmidt 1871SchmidtJohannes 1871: Zur Geschichte des indogermanischen Vocalismus 1. Weimar.
Schmidt 1875SchmidtJohannes 1875: Zur Geschichte des indogermanischen Vocalismus 2. Weimar.
Schmidt 1889SchmidtJohannes 1889: Die Pluralbildungen der indogermanischen Neutra. Weimar.
Schmidt 1895SchmidtJohannes 1895: Kritik der Sonantentheorie: eine sprachwissenschaftliche Untersuchung. Weimar.
Schmidt 1988SchmidtKlaus T. 1988: Stellungsbedingte Konsonantisierung von ə2 im Tocharischen?, in: Bammesberger (ed.): 471-480.
Schmidt 1968SchmidtVolkmar 1968: Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu Herondas. Untersuchungen zur antiken Literatur und Geschichte, Bd. 1. Berlin.
Schmitt 1967SchmittRüdiger 1967: Dichtung und Dichtersprache in indogermanischer Zeit. Wiesbaden.
Schmitt 1989SchmittRüdiger 1989: Ein altiranisches Flüssigkeitsmaß: *mariš, in: Heller et al. (eds.): 301-15.
Schmitt 1997SchmittRüdiger 1997: Vedisch ávya‑, avyáya‑, ávyaya- ‘vom Schafe herrührend’, in: Lubotsky (ed.): 285-292.
Schmitt 1999SchmittRüdiger 1999: Beiträge zu altpersischen Inschriften. Wiesbaden.
Schrader 1906SchraderOtto 1906: Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte: linguistisch-historische Beiträge zur Erforschung des indogermanischen Altertums. Jena3.
Schrader 1911SchraderOtto 1911: Aus griechischer Frühzeit, in: Th. Siebs (ed.), Festschrift zur Jahrhundertfeier der Universität Breslau, Breslau, 464-480.
Schrader-Nehring 1917SchraderOtto and Alfons Nehring 1917: Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde: Grundzüge einer Kultur- und Völkergeschichte Alteuropas. Berlin.
Schrijver 1991SchrijverPeter 1991: The reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals in Latin. Amsterdam.
Schrijver 1995SchrijverPeter 1995: Studies in British Celtic historical phonology. Amsterdam.
Schrijver 1997SchrijverPeter 1997: Animal, vegetable and mineral: some Western European substratum words, in: Lubotsky (ed.): 293-316.
Schulze 1892SchulzeWilhelm 1892: Quaestiones epicae. Gütersloh.
Schulze 1933aSchulzeWilhelm 1933a: Kleine Schriften. Göttingen.
Schulze 1933bSchulzeWilhelm 1933b: Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen. Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Bd. 5, No. 5.
Schumacher 2004SchumacherStefan 2004: Die keltischen Primärverben: ein vergleichendes, etymologisches und morphologisches Lexikon. Innsbruck.
Schwarz 1970SchwarzMartin 1970: Miscellanea Iranica, in: Boyce and Gershevitch (eds.): 385-394.
Schwentner 1924SchwentnerErnst 1924: Die primären Interjektionen in den indogermanischen Sprachen, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Griechischen, Lateinischen und Germanischen. Heidelberg.
Schwyzer 1908SchwyzerEduard 1908: Gr. κατηφής als adjektivische Zusammensetzung mit κατα- und Verbaladjectiv auf -ης, in: Mélanges de linguistique offerts à M. Ferdinand de Saussure. Paris, 245-265.
Schwyzer 1923SchwyzerEduard 1923: Der Götter Knie - Abrahams Schoß, in: ’Αντιδωρον: Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres am 11. Dezember 1923 gewidmet von Schülern, Freunden und Kollegen. Göttingen, 283-293.
Schwyzer 1937SchwyzerEduard 1937: Griechisch -άζω und got. -atja, in: Hjelmslev (ed.): 63-75.
Schwyzer 1950SchwyzerEduard 1950: Griechische Grammatik: auf der Grundlage von Karl Brugmanns Griechischer Grammatik. Bd. 2: Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik, vervollständigt und hrsg. von Albert Debrunner. Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft. Tl. 1. München.
Seebold 1980SeeboldElmar 1980: Materialsammlung: Die Vertretung von anlautend idg. gh- und ghu̯- im Germanischen, in: Mayrhofer et al. (eds.) 1980: 450-484.
Seiler 1950SeilerHansjakob 1950: Die primären griechischen Steigerungsformen. Leipzig.
Seiler 1954SeilerHansjakob 1954: Homerisch ἀάᾳ und ἄτη, in: Redard (ed.): 409-418.
Shipp 1967ShippGeorge Pelham 1967: Studies in the language of Homer. Amsterdam.
Sinclair 1953SinclairThomas A. 1953: On two words in Homer (λύματα, ἀπολυμαντήρ), in: Kusch (ed.): 330-333.
Sittig 1931SittigErnst 1931: Das Alter der Anordnung unserer Kasus und der Ursprung ihrer Bezeichnung als “Falle”. Stuttgart.
Sjölund 1938SjölundRode Maria 1938: Metrische Kürzung im Griechischen. Uppsala.
Skoda 1993SkodaFrançoise 1993: Principes de formation du vocabulaire botanique grec: illustrations et hypothèses, in: Actes du colloque international: Les phytonymes grecs et latins. Nice, 271-283.
Smoczyński (ed.)SmoczyńskiWojciech (ed.) 1995: Kuryłowicz memorial volume 1. Cracow.
Snell 1924SnellBruno 1924: Die Ausdrücke für den Begriff des Wissens in der vorplatonischen Philosophie (sofia, gnômê, sunesis, historia, mathêma, epistêmê). Berlin.
Snell 1948SnellBruno 1948: Die Entdeckung des Geistes: Studien zur Entstehung des europäischen Denkens bei den Griechen. Hamburg.
Solmsen 1901SolmsenFelix 1901: Untersuchungen zur griechischen Laut- und Verslehre. Straßburg.
Solmsen 1909SolmsenFelix 1909: Beiträge zur Griechischen Wortforschung. Strassburg.
Sommer 1905SommerFerdinand Johann 1905: Griechische Lautstudien. Straßburg.
Sommer 1914SommerFerdinand Johann 1914: Konträrbildungen, in: Festschrift Ernst Windisch zum siebzigsten Geburtstag am 4. Sept. 1914. Leipzig, 1914.
Sommer 1934SommerFerdinand Johann 1934: Aḫḫijavafrage und Sprachwissenschaft. Abhandlungen der Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, N.F., H. 9. München.
Sommer 1948SommerFerdinand Johann 1948: Zur Geschichte der griechischen Nominalkomposita. Abhandlungen der Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, N.F., H. 27. München.
Sommer 1950SommerFerdinand Johann 1950: Zum Zahlwort. Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1950: 7. München.
Sommer 1956SommerFerdinand Johann 1956: Homerica, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(2): 142-151.
Sommer 1958SommerFerdinand Johann 1958: λ 11, in: Brandenstein (ed.): 146-163.
Specht 1944SpechtFranz 1944: Der Ursprung der indogermanischen Deklination. Göttingen.
Starke 1990StarkeFrank 1990: Untersuchung zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen Nomens. Wiesbaden.
Steinbauer 1989SteinbauerDieter 1989: Untersuchungen zu den bei Plautus belegten Verben der lateinischen ersten Konjugation. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Denominative (Diss. Regensburg). Altendorf b. Bamberg.
Steinkopf 1937SteinkopfGerhard 1937: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Ruhmes bei den Griechen. Diss. Halle an der Saale.
Strömberg 1937StrömbergReinhold 1937: Theophrastea: Studien zur botanischen Begriffsbildung. Göteborg.
Strömberg 1940StrömbergReinhold 1940: Griechische Pflanzennamen. Göteborg.
Strömberg 1943StrömbergReinhold 1943: Studien zur Etymologie und Bildung der griechischen Fischnamen. Göteborg.
Strömberg 1944StrömbergReinhold 1944: Griechische Wortstudien: Untersuchungen zur Benennung von Tieren, Pflanzen, Körperteilen und Krankheiten. Göteborg.
Strömberg 1946StrömbergReinhold 1946: Greek prefix studies: on the use of adjective particles. Göteborg.
Strunk 1967StrunkKlaus 1967: Nasalpräsentien und Aoriste: ein Beitrag zur Morphologie des Verbums im Indo-Iranischen und Griechischen. Heidelberg.
Strunk 1995StrunkKlaus 1995: Griechisch δένδρεον und Zugehöriges, in: Smoczyński (ed.): 357-363.
Stüber 2002StüberKarin 2002: Die primären s-Stämme des Indogermanischen. Wiesbaden.
Sutter (ed.)SutterBerthold (ed.) 1954: Festschrift Julius Franz Schütz. Graz etc.
Szemerényi 1964SzemerényiOswald 1964: Syncope in Greek and Indo-European and the nature of Indo-European accent. Naples.
Szemerényi 1969aSzemerényiOswald 1969a: Etyma Latina II (7-18), in: Studi linguistici in onore di Vittore Pisani. Brescia, 963-994.
Szemerényi 1969bSzemerényiOswald 1969b: Etyma Graeca II (8-15), in: Studia classica et orientalia Antonino Pagliaro oblata 3. Roma, 233-250.
Szemerényi 1980SzemerényiOswald 1980: Einführung in die vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft. Darmstadt.
Szemerényi 1989SzemerényiOswald 1989: An den Quellen des lateinischen Wortschatzes. Innsbruck.
Szemerényi 1991SzemerényiOswald 1991: Scripta Minora IV (Indo-European Languages Other than Latin and Greek). Innsbruck.
Taillardat 1962TaillardatJean 1962: Les images d’Aristophane: études de langue et de style. Paris.
Taszycki (ed.)TaszyckiWitold (ed.) 1927-1928: Symbolae grammaticae in honorem Ioannis Rozwadowski I-II. Kraków.
Tedesco 1956TedescoPaul 1956: The Sanskrit and Middle Indic words for ‘sinew’, in: Kronasser (ed.) 1956(2): 182-187.
Teeuwen (ed.)TeeuwenSt.W.J. (ed.) 1929: Donum natalicium Schrijnen: verzameling van opstellen door oud-leerlingen en bevriende vakgenooten, opgedragen aan Mgr. Prof. Dr. Jos. Schrijnen bij gelegenheid van zijn zestigsten verjaardag. Nijmegen.
Terstegen 1941TerstegenWilhelmus Johannus 1941: Εὐσεβής en ὅσιος in het Grieksch taalgebruik na de IVe eeuw. Utrecht.
Theander 1932TheanderCarl 1932: lykabas, lykambēs, in: Boëthius (ed.): 349-351.
Thesleff 1953ThesleffHolger 1953: Studies on intensification in early and classical Greek. Leipzig.
Thieme 1938ThiemePaul 1938: Der Fremdling im Ṛgveda. Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 23, 2. Leipzig.
Thieme 1952ThiemePaul 1952: Studien zur indogermanischen Wortkunde und Religionsgeschichte. Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Bd. 98, H. 5. Berlin.
Thieme 1953ThiemePaul 1953: Die Heimat der indogermanischen Gemeinsprache. Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jrg. 1953: Nr. 11. Mainz.
Thieme 1957ThiemePaul 1957: Mitra and Aryaman. Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 41, no. 1. New Haven.
Thomas 1912ThomasEmil 1912: Studien zur lateinischen und griechischen Sprachgeschichte. Berlin.
Thompson 1895ThompsonD’Arcy Wentworth 1895: A glossary of Greek birds. London.
Thompson 1947ThompsonD’Arcy Wentworth 1947: A glossary of Greek fishes. London.
Threatte 1980ThreatteLeslie 1980: The grammar of Attic inscriptions. Vol. I: Phonology. Berlin.
Thumb 1901ThumbAlbert 1901: Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Beurteilung der κοινη. Berlin.
Thumb-Hauschild 1905ThumbAlbert and Richard Hauschild 1905: Handbuch des Sanskrit: eine Einführung in das sprachwissenschaftliche Studium des Altindischen I: Grammatik. Heidelberg.
Thumb-Kieckers 1932ThumbAlbert and Eduard Kieckers 1932: Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte I. Heidelberg.
Thumb-Scherer 1959ThumbAlbert and Anton Scherer 1959: Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte II. Heidelberg.
Thurneysen 1946ThurneysenRudolf 1946: A grammar of Old Irish. Dublin.
Tichy 1983TichyEva 1983: Onomatopoetische Verbalbildungen des Griechischen. Wien.
Tischler 1983ff.TischlerJohann 1983ff.: Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar. Innsbruck.
Tischler (ed.)TischlerJohann (ed.) 1982: Serta Indogermanica, Festschrift für Günter Neumann. Innsbruck.
Trautmann 1923TrautmannFelix Kurt Reinhold 1923: Baltisch-slavisches Wörterbuch. Göttingen.
Treu 1955TreuMax 1955: Von Homer zur Lyrik: Wandlungen des griechischen Weltbildes im Spiegel der Sprache. München.
Trier 1963TrierJost 1963: Venus: Etymologien um das Futterlaub. Köln.
Troxler 1964TroxlerHans 1964: Sprache und Wortschatz Hesiods. Zürich.
Trümpy 1950TrümpyHans 1950: Kriegerische Fachausdrücke im griechischen Epos: Untersuchungen zum Wortschatze Homers. Basel.
Tucker 1990TuckerElizabeth Fawcett 1990: The creation of morphological regularity: early Greek verbs in -έω, -άω, -όω, -ύω and -ίω. Göttingen.
Turner 1966TurnerRalph Lilley 1966: A comparative dictionary of the Indo-Aryan languages. London.
Tyrell 1984TyrellWilliam Blake 1984: Amazons: a study in Athenian mythmaking. Baltimore.
Untermann 1993UntermannJürgen 1993: Gr. ἔθηκα = lat. feci, gr. ἧκα = lat. ieci?, in: Meiser (ed.): 461-468.
Untermann 2000UntermannJürgen 2000: Wörterbuch des Oskisch-Umbrischen. Heidelberg.
Usener 1896UsenerHermann 1896: Götternamen: Versuch einer Lehre von der religiösen Begriffsbildung. Bonn.
De Vaan 2003De VaanMichiel 2003: The Avestan vowels. Amsterdam.
De Vaan 2008De VaanMichiel 2008: Etymological dictionary of Latin and the other Italic Languages. Leiden.
De Vaan 2009De VaanMichiel 2009: Syntax and etymology of Avestan and bōit, in: Éric Pirart et al. (eds.), Zarathushtra entre l’Inde et l’Iran. Études indo-iraniennes et indo-européennes offertes à Jean Kellens à l’occasion de son 65e anniversaire. Wiesbaden, 43-55.
Vart 1887VartJules 1887: L’art nautique dans l’antiquité et spécialement en Grèce, d’après A. Breusing. Paris.
Vasmer 1921VasmerMax 1921: Studien zur albanesischen Wortforschung. Dorpat.
Vasmer 1953VasmerMax 1953: Russisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.
Vendryes 1904VendryesJoseph Jean Baptiste Marie 1904: Traité d’accentuation grecque. Paris.
Vendryes 1927VendryesJoseph Jean Baptiste Marie 1927: A propos de trois mots iraniens signifiant “sec”, in: Taszycki (ed.): 137-142.
Vendryes 1938VendryesJoseph Jean Baptiste Marie 1938: A propos du verbe ἀγρεῖν “prendre”, in: Mélanges Émile Boisacq II. Bruxelles, 331-334.
Ventris and Chadwick 1973VentrisMichael and John Chadwick 1973: Documents in Mycenaean Greek. Cambridge.
Versnel 1970VersnelHendrik Simon 1970: Triumphus: an inquiry into the origin, development and meaning of the Roman triumph. Leiden.
Vian 1952VianFrancis 1952: La guerre des Géants: le mythe avant l’époque hellénistique. Paris.
Vine 1998VineBrent 1998: Aeolic ὄρπετον and deverbative *-etó- in Greek and Indo-European. Innsbruck.
Vine 1999aVineBrent 1999a: Greek ῥίζα ‘root’ and ‘Schwa Secundum’, in: Vyacheslav V. Ivanov and Brent Vine (eds.), UCLA Indo-European Studies, vol. 1. Los Angeles, 5-30.
Vine 1999bVineBrent 1999b: On “Cowgill’s Law” in Greek, in: Eichner et al. (eds.): 555-600.
Vine 2002VineBrent 2002: On full-grade *-ro-formations in Greek and Indo-European, in: Mark R. V. Southern (ed.), Indo-European perspectives. Los Angeles, 329-350.
Vine 2007VineBrent 2007: Latin gemō ‘groan’, Greek γέγωνε ‘cry out’ and Tocharian A ken- ‘call’, in: Nussbaum (ed.): 343-358.
Viredaz 1993ViredazRemy 1993: Palatalisations grecques: chronologie et classification des traitements, in: E. Crespo et al. (eds.), Dialectologica Graeca. Actas del II Coloquio Internacional de Dialectología Griega (Madrid, 1991). Madrid, 331-337.
Voigt 1934VoigtChristian 1934: Überlegung und Entscheidung: Studien zur Selbstauffassung des Menschen bei Homer. Berlin.
Vos 1956VosHarm 1956: Themis. PhD diss. Utrecht.
de Vries 1961VriesJan de 1961: Altnordisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Leiden.
Waanders 1992WaandersFrederik M. J. 1992: Mycenaean evidence for the Indo-European roots *tel- and *kwel- in Greek, in: Olivier (ed.): 591-596.
Wace et al. (eds.)WaceAlan J.B. et al. (eds.) 1962: A companion to Homer. London.
Wackernagel 1889WackernagelJacob 1889: Das Dehnungsgesetz der griechischen Composita. Basel.
Wackernagel 1896WackernagelJacob 1896: Altindische Grammatik Bd. I: Lautlehre. Göttingen.
Wackernagel 1897WackernagelJacob 1897: Vermischte Beiträge zur griechischen Sprachkunde. Basel.
Wackernagel 1907WackernagelJacob 1907: Hellenistica. Göttingen.
Wackernagel 1916WackernagelJacob 1916: Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu Homer. Göttingen.
Wackernagel 1919WackernagelJacob 1919: Über einige lateinische und griechische Ableitungen, in: Festgabe Adolf Kaegi von Schülern und Freunden dargebrach zum 30. September 1919. Frauenfeld.
Wackernagel 1920-1924WackernagelJacob 1920-1924: Vorlesungen über Syntax mit besonderer Berücksichtigung von Griechisch, Lateinisch und Deutsch, Tl. 1-2. 1924. Basel.
Wackernagel 1955WackernagelJacob 1955: Kleine Schriften (Bd. I-II). Göttingen.
Wackernagel-Debrunner 1930WackernagelJacob and Albert Debrunner 1930: Altindische Grammatik, Bd. III: Nominalflexion-Zahlwort-Pronomen. Göttingen.
Wackernagel-Debrunner 1954WackernagelJacob and Albert Debrunner 1954: Altindische Grammatik, Bd. II, 2. Göttingen.
Walde 1910WaldeAlois 1910: Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, 2. Auflage. Heidelberg.
Wathelet 1970WatheletPaul 1970: Les traits éoliens dans la langue de l’épopée grecque. Roma.
Watkins 1982WatkinsCalvert 1982: A Greco-Hittite etymology, in: Tischler (ed.): 455-457.
Weisgerber 1931WeisgerberLeo 1931: Galatische Sprachreste, in: Helm (ed.): 151-175.
Weitenberg 1984WeitenbergJoseph Johannes Sicco 1984: Die hethitischen U-Stämme. Amsterdam.
Welles 1934WellesC. Bradford 1934: Royal correspondence in the Hellenistic period: a study in Greek epigraphy. New Haven.
Wersdörfer 1940WersdörferHans 1940: Die Φιλοσοφία des Isokrates im Spiegel ihrer Terminologie: Untersuchungen zur frühattischen Rhetorik und Stillehre. Leipzig.
West 1966WestMartin Litchfield 1966: Hesiod, Theogony: edition with prolegomena and commentary. Oxford.
West 1978WestMartin Litchfield 1978: Hesiod. Theogony, Works and Days. Translated with Introduction and Notes by M. L. West. Oxford.
West 1997WestMartin Litchfield 1997: The East face of Helicon: West Asiatic elements in Greek poetry and myth. Oxford.
West 2007WestMartin Litchfield 2007: Indo-European poetry and myth. Oxford.
Widengren 1960WidengrenGeo 1960: Iranisch-semitische Kulturbegegnung in Parthischer Zeit. Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen, H. 70. Köln-Opladen.
Wikander 1946WikanderStig 1946: Feuerpriester in Kleinasien und Iran. Lund.
von Wilamowitz 1889WilamowitzUlrich von 1889: Euripides, Herakles, erklärt von Ulrich von Wilamowitz. Berlin.
von Wilamowitz 1927WilamowitzUlrich von 1927: Die Heimkehr des Odysseus: neue Homerische Untersuchungen. Berlin.
von Wilamowitz 1931WilamowitzUlrich von 1931: Der Glaube der Hellenen, vol. 1. Berlin.
von Wilamowitz 1932WilamowitzUlrich von 1932: Der Glaube der Hellenen, vol. 2. Berlin.
Wilhelm 1909WilhelmAdolf 1909: Beiträge zur griechischen Inschriftenkunde: mit einem Anhange über die öffentliche Aufzeichnung von Urkunden. Wien.
Williger 1928WilligerEduard 1928: Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu den Komposita der griechischen Dichter des 5. Jahrhunderts. Göttingen.
van Windekens 1941WindekensAlbert Joris van 1941: Lexique étymologique des dialectes tokhariens. Louvain.
van Windekens 1952WindekensAlbert Joris van 1952: Le pélasgique: essai sur une langue indo-européenne préhellénique. Louvain.
Winter 1950WinterWerner 1950: Studien zum “Prothetischen Vokal” im Griechischen. Hamburg.
Witczak 1993WitczakKrzysztof T. 1993: Greek Aphrodite and her Indo-European origin, in: Isebaert (ed.): 115-123.
Wodtko et al. 2008WodtkoDagmar S., Britta Irslinger, and Carolin Schneider 2008: Nomina im indogermanischen Lexikon. Heidelberg.
Wolf 1947WolfErnst 1947: Die Bedeutung von ῥυθμός in der griechischen Literatur bis auf Platon. Diss. Innsbruck.
Wüst (ed.)WüstWalther (ed.) 1931: Studia Indo-iranica: Ehrengabe für Wilhelm Geiger zur Vollendung des 75. Lebensjahres 1856-21. Juli-1931. Leipzig.
Wyatt 1969WyattWilliam F. 1969: Metrical lengthening in Homer. Roma.
Wyss 1954WyssUrs 1954: Die Wörter auf -σύνη in ihrer historischen Entwicklung. Zürich.
Ysebaert 1962YsebaertJoseph 1962: Greek baptismal terminology. Nijmegen.
Zumbach 1955ZumbachOthmar 1955: Neuerungen in der Sprache der homerischen Hymnen. Winterthur.
Zupitza 1896ZupitzaErnst 1896: Die germanischen Gutturale. Berlin.